September 2013 was the date set for voting on the Kurdistan
Regional Government’s (KRG) president and parliament. The balloting was
surrounded in controversy as President Massoud Barzani was attempting to find a
way to run for a third term, despite Kurdish law saying that he could only
serve two times. As part of this effort, Barzani was pushing a referendum on
the region’s draft constitution, which would allow him the opportunity to serve
up to eight more years. The Kurdish opposition was crying foul, and Barzani’s
erstwhile allies the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) were also expressing
reservations. The KRG president then conveniently postponed the election for the
executive, and agreed to send the constitution back to the regional parliament.
This may seem like a setback for Barzani, but it actually shows how easily
Kurdistan’s ruling parties can manipulate the political system to stay in
power.
KRG President Barzani has shown deft control of the region’s
politics to stay in office (KDP)
In mid-June it was announced that the KRG’s presidential
election was being delayed, and that the draft constitution was being sent back
to the regional legislature. Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) made the decision. A PUK member told the
press that the election law had to be changed, and the constitution amended
before the vote for the president could take place. The Kurdish parties have already sent in their views on the constitution, and the parliament is ready to
debate them. The opposition parties, the Change List, the Kurdistan Islamic
Group, and the Kurdistan Islamic Union have all demanded that the constitution
be revised before it is delivered to the public. They have complained that it
would give too much power to the president, and that it was written before they
held any seats in the parliament, and they therefore had no input on it. Even
some members of the PUK were expressing reservations about it. This was a
180-degree change for Barzani who just the month before said that no one had
the power to send the constitution to parliament, and that only the people had
the right to vote on it. The KDP was pushing for the referendum to occur at the same time as the September presidential and parliamentary balloting, but
that was a ruse as the Election Commission stated that it would take months to prepare for such an event. The opposition, and even some in the PUK saw
this as a power play by the president to stay in office. The postponement
therefore might seem like a defeat for President Barzani who was looking to run
again, and was pushing the referendum, but was facing a lot of resistance.
Instead, it shows how much control he has over the system. He can simply put
things off until he is in a better position to get his way.
The Kurdish constitution has been in limbo since 2009.
Originally, the KDP and PUK were hoping that it would be delivered to the
people in July of that year when there was regional balloting going on, but the
Election Commission said it wasn’t able to do all that at the same time. Then in 2011, when protests started in Sulaymaniya, the ruling parties agreed
to amend it, but nothing happened. Since then there have been several other
discussions about revising it, but to no avail. The main points of the
constitution that appeal to Barzani is that it gives him direct control of the
security forces and the peshmerga, greater power over legislation, and would
allow him to run for president two more times. Now it seems as though it will
be quite some more time before the people get to pass or reject it as the
parliament may take months to finalize it. The KRG would then have to ask the
Election Commission to set up the referendum, which would take weeks more. This
was always part of Barzani’s long-term strategy then, as it was impossible to
hold a vote on it this year.
The discussion about the constitution is part of the larger
drive for Barzani to find a means to stay in office. The Change List has said that term limits were put in place to prevent dictatorship, and if Barzani were
to serve a third term it would be the end of democracy in Kurdistan. The
three opposition parties also floated the idea of running their own candidate for president to oppose Barzani, but had no idea on whom it would be or whether
all of them would compete separately or together. Likewise, the PUK has been split about another term for Barzani. In response, the KDP said that
since Barzani was not elected by the people in 2005, but rather appointed by
the parliament, he was only elected once in 2009, and therefore can run again this
year. The party has also talked about changing the election law. This is the
main priority for Barzani. He is still widely popular amongst his constituency,
controls a huge patronage network, and his party is more powerful than the PUK
or the opposition. To him there is no reason why he shouldn’t remain in office,
no matter what the law says.
The delay in the presidential election and sending the
constitution to parliament for amending is part of the larger plan by Barzani
to stay in power. The referendum on the constitution was never going to happen this
year. Barzani was simply laying the ground for passing it in the future to
allow him the chance to run two more times. Of more immediate concern is this
year’s voting. Seeing the opposition he was facing about running again, he simply
held off on the balloting, until he could find the right means to stay in
office. Rather than a setback, this turn of events shows the power Barzani and
the ruling parties have over Kurdistan. When things are not going their way,
they simply change the rules. Barzani will stay in office, and the presidential
vote will happen when the KDP is ready. The parliament can debate the
constitution, but the opposition lacks the seats to do anything substantive,
and the PUK is leaderless with Iraqi President Talabani out of the country
recovering from surgery. That means it will eventually be passed, but with only
minor changes, and the referendum will happen when Barzani wants. This all shows
why he is unwilling to step down. Why should he is he exerts such control over
the region’s politics.
SOURCES
Ahmed, Hevidar, “As Elections
Loom, Kurdistan Region Parties Remain in Deadlock,” Rudaw, 5/17/13
AIN, “Mustafa: Nominating Barzani
for 3rd term to end democracy in KR,” 5/25/13
Barznjy, Hiwa, “cooking up kurdish
constitution to stay in power?” Niqash, 5/24/13
Insight Kurdistan, “Q&A:
Kurdistan Region’s Draft Constitution,” 6/11/13
Kurdistan Tribune, “Gorran says ‘no’ to extension for
President Barzani,” 4/9/13
- “PUK leadership ‘deceives’
members over KDP,” 6/8/13
Mahmoud, Nawzad, “Kurdistan’s Two
Ruling Parties Give Conflicting Views on Regions Constitution,” Rudaw, 6/4/13
Mohammed, Shwan, “Kurdish
president’s re-election plans spark criticism,” Agence France Presse, 4/14/13
Muhammad, Juwanro, “iraqi kurdish
opposition: ‘we will compete with president barzani,’” Niqash, 6/6/13
National Iraqi News Agency,
“BREAKING NEWS Barazani affirms he will not seek another term,” 5/4/13
Radio Nawa, “Islamic Group of
Kurdistan rejects referendum on the constitution, which insists the region’s
president referendum,” 5/27/13
Rudaw, “Debate over Kurdistan
Region Constitution Goes to Parliament,” 6/13/13
- “Kurdistan Region’s Ruling
Parties Agree on Delaying Presidential Poll,” 6/16/13
Zebari, Abdel Hamid, “Barzani
Presses for Referendum On Iraqi Kurdistan Constitution,” Al-Monitor, 5/23/13
- “Iraqi Kurdish Opposition
Parties Oppose Referendum,” Al-Monitor, 5/29/13
Zulal, Shwan, “Kurdish Democracy’s
biggest test yet,” Kurdistan Tribune, 4/19/13
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