When Prime Minister Haider Abadi’s new government was
confirmed by parliament in the middle of September 2014 the Kurds were
reluctant partners. They showed up late to the session and were disappointed
that the new premier did not give them any concessions beforehand. They ended
up issuing him a 90-day deadline to meet their demands over things like the
budget and the disputed territories. This was despite the fact that they were
dealing from a position of weakness as Abadi did not need their votes to put
together a new coalition. Still, Abadi has entertained their position because
he needs a unified government to face the threat posed by the insurgency, and
knows that will only be accomplished by winning their trust after all the
difficulties they had with ex-Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
When Abadi put together his new regime, the Kurdish parties
were unhappy. They claimed they only agreed to the new ruling coalition because
of international
pressure form the United States and United Nations. The Kurds’ main
complaint was that Abadi hadn’t given them any concessions before the
government was formed. For example, they were demanding that civil servant salaries
be delivered beforehand. The prime minister designate however, went ahead
anyway as he had secured
a majority in parliament without the Kurds. They were in fact, still in a
meeting in Sulaymaniya when the announcement went out that the legislature
would be voting on his new ministers. The Kurdish lawmakers ended up joining
the session 30 minutes late. Afterward, the Kurds gave Abadi a 3 month deadline
to meet their demands on things such as the budget, oil exports, funding the
peshmerga, Article 140 and control of their civil airspace. They have also
demanded that their share of
ministries increase from three to four, and that they receive
the head of the Election Commission and one other commission. The new premier responded
by saying some of those issues such as the budget would be dealt with within a
month, while others like the disputed areas would take a year showing that he
felt no pressure from Irbil. As a sign of their continued frustration, no
Kurdish ministers have taken part in any cabinet meetings so far, and
former parliamentarian Mahmoud Othman said
they are waiting for substantive moves before they participate. They’ve even
gone as far as to threaten a referendum on
independence if Abadi didn’t deliver. These actions are a result of the lack of
faith the Kurdish parties have in Baghdad after the rule of Nouri al-Maliki. He
played the Kurds against the Arabs, always opposed their oil policy, and ended
up cutting off their budget payments when they opened their own independent
pipeline to Turkey. Abadi knows this history, and believes he has to win them
over to remain part of the government. At the same time, he knew he had the
upper hand over them when it came to putting together the new government, which
was why he didn’t promise them anything. In fact, the Kurds call for military
aid, salaries, etc. shows that they still need Baghdad’s help in the face of
their budget crisis and the threat from the insurgency.
The Kurds sent a delegation to meet with Abadi on September
26, 2014, which was able to gain a slight concession. Deputy Premier Rowsch
Nouri Shaways headed the party. That day it was announced that the premier
agreed to pay
Kurdish public workers two months salaries for August and September. The
regional government claims that the central authorities owe it $9 billion in
back pay as a result of Maliki’s cut off. This is a major issue because Irbil,
like Baghdad has a state run economy with the state being the largest employer.
That also means the peshmerga, who are facing the militants, are not receiving
their salaries either. This was a small, yet meaningful good faith move by the
prime minister.
The Kurds like every group in Iraq are expecting a lot from
Prime Minister Abadi. He has to make up for all the bad blood that was created
by Maliki. They have a long list of demands, some of which like oil and the
disputed territories no government since 2005 has been able to successfully
deal with because of the dysfunction and divisions between the ruling parties.
Little can be expected on those fronts. Other issues however like the budget
and peshmerga should be easier. Abadi would probably like the Kurds to agree to
be an active participant in the government if he gives in on these issues
rather than just taking money and going on their own independent course.
Working out this relationship is just one of Abadi’s many pressing priorities
he has to deal with to bring his country back together after it has been ripped
apart by the on going security crisis.
SOURCES
AIN, “Barzani’s party announces the replacement of Zebari
with Shaways in the federal government,” 9/28/14
Al Masalah, “Kurdish delegation in Baghdad to discuss Abadi,
an official in two cases,” 9/28/14
National Iraqi News Agency, “Kurd MP: Kurds seek for two
independent bodies and keep the same security positions in the government,” 9/29/14
- “The Kurds are waiting practical steps from Abadi to
participate in the government” 9/28/14
Rudaw, “Kurdish Civil Servants to Receive Eid Salaries from
Baghdad,” 9/29/14
Salih, Mohammed, “Iraqi Kurds unhappy partners in Abadi’s
government,” Al Monitor, 9/16/14
Solomon, Erika, “Kurds take tough line as Abadi races to
form Iraq government,” Financial Times, 8/19/14
Whitcomb, Alexander, “Kurds in New Government Reject Plan,”
Rudaw, 9/10/14
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