At the end of the summer of 2002 the Blair government was
receiving more reports that the United States was marching towards war with
Iraq. On July 23 for instance, Prime Minister Blair was told by the Defense
Ministry that the U.S. military was deep into its invasion planning, but that
there was hardly anything on the postwar period. On August 12, Defense said
that Bush had authorized his armed forces to prepare for action against Iraq.
Three days later, the deputy head of the British embassy in Washington wrote
that the White House was talking about when war would start, not if it would
happen. Early on Downing Street had been informed that the Americans were
intent upon war to remove Saddam Hussein. Blair’s response was that he would stand
with Washington, and that would give him influence over strategy. One of his
main goals was to convince Bush to go to the United Nations which would give
not only a legal basis for war, but help convince British public opinion and
the world the necessity for such action.
By August 2002, Blair had won over Bush to go the U.N.
route. On August 29, the two leaders talked about weapons inspectors in Iraq.
Blair believed that Saddam would never follow through with a new round of
investigations and that would give the justification for war. On August 30,
Blair decided that London’s number one priority was to get a new U.N.
resolution that would give Iraq an ultimatum: accept a new inspection regime or
face the consequences. In September, Blair talked to the United Nations
Secretary General Kofi Anan, and the head weapons inspector Hans Blix about his
plans and they agreed. The prime minister than went to the United States, and
he and the president agreed on two resolutions in the U.N., one would be for
inspections, and the other for if Saddam didn’t follow through. That led to
Bush’s speech to the General Assembly on September 12 where he laid out the
threat Iraq posed to the world, and that the United Nations had to act. This
was Blair’s only victory in his almost decade long involvement in the Iraq war.
It was a big success because there were major voices within the White House
such as Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld who
had no faith in the international body or the need to build up a legal case
against Saddam. They thought the U.S. could accuse Iraq of ties to terrorism
and possessing weapons of mass destruction and then invade. Winning over Bush
then, was a big change in America’s stance.
There were immediate questions of whether the U.N. route
would work. On September 3, Sir Jeremy Greenstock the UK representative to the
U.N. warned that the body did not believe in using force against Iraq. The next
day, the Foreign Office sent a memo agreeing with Greenstock that it would be
very hard getting any U.N. resolution passed that set an ultimatum on Iraq.
Other members of the Security Council confirmed that. On September 6, Russia’s
President Vladimir Putin told Bush he was open to new inspections, but he
opposed military action. Three days later a New York Times interview with
France’s President Jacques Chirac was published where he said he did not
support regime change in Iraq. Finally, on September 12, France’s Foreign
Minister Dominique de Villepin said that Paris was behind a new U.N. resolution
but it would be up to the Security Council to decide on whether Iraq complied
or not. Blair and Bush believed that Iraq would not come clean about its
weapons programs, and that inspections would therefore provide the excuse to
invade. France and Russia let it be known that they would not back that, and
therefore another U.N. resolution authorizing the use of force against Iraq
would never get passed. Blair seemed to ignore this news and believed that he
and the president could win the day and win over other countries. That never
happened so the prime minister’s one and only victory on the Iraq war proved to
be pyrrhic. Blair spent a huge amount of political capital in Washington and
then in New York, and would fail to get international sanction for war as he
hoped for.
PREVIOUS CHILCOT
REPORTS
Chilcot
Report Section 3.1 Development of UK Strategy and Options On Iraq, 9/11 to
Early January 2002
Chilcot Report Section 3.2 Development of UK Strategy and Options, January to April 2002 - "Axis Of Evil" to Crawford
Chilcot Report Volume 2 Section 3.3 Development of UK Iraq Strategy and Options, April to July 2002
Chilcot Report Section 3.2 Development of UK Strategy and Options, January to April 2002 - "Axis Of Evil" to Crawford
Chilcot Report Volume 2 Section 3.3 Development of UK Iraq Strategy and Options, April to July 2002
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