Iraq is in the midst of
finalizing a multi-million dollar arms deal with Russia. The contract was
surrounded in controversy when it was originally announced in late-2012 with
accusations of corruption. Now Baghdad is moving ahead with it claiming that it
was re-negotiated, but the same claims of kickbacks and commissions for
officials and businessmen have resurfaced. This follows a pattern started when
Iraq first regained control of its government in 2004 using middlemen in
weapons procurement contracts that skim off millions of dollars. It is deals
like these that make the country one of the most corrupt in the world.
Baghdad has a contract to
buy 30 Mi-28NE attack helicopters from Russia, but the deal involves large
commissions to Iraqi officials and middlemen taking a large cut as well (Wikipedia)
Baghdad has been attempting
to buy two weapons systems from Russia for the last several months, but it was
held up over corruption charges. In June 2013, Russia said it received the first payment of the $4.2 billion deal for 30 Mi-28NE attack helicopters and 50
Pantsir-S1 mobile anti-aircraft systems. Negotiations for the systems was first announced in October 2012, but then cancelled the next month over
corruption allegations. The Iraqi government then began new talks. By
February 2013, Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said that the deal had been completed. In March an Iraqi delegation went to Moscow to finalize things. The
purchase will make Russia the second largest arms supplier to Iraq. Most of the
country’s weapons come from the United States through the Foreign Military
Sales program, but Iraqis have complained about the long wait time it takes to
receive the equipment. That has led Iraq to increasingly look for other
suppliers, but the large amounts of money included in these contracts also
offers another way for officials to steal money.
The new Russian arms
contract has come under criticism just like the first one. A member of
parliament’s integrity committee stated that Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki was
insisting on buying the weapons from Moscow despite the last deal including
major pay offs to officials. The lawmaker went on to say that documents pointed
to continued corruption. Originally, it was the Sadrists who raised questions
about the October 2012 negotiations with the Russians claiming there were kickbacks. The integrity committee started an investigation in November. (1)
The head of the committee ended up asking the premier to cancel the contract, but Maliki said he had no strong proof of any wrongdoing. Of course the
prime minister was uncooperative as well, refusing to answer any questions made by investigators, while the Defense Ministry did not provide any
documentation on the contract. Despite that, the committee did find
discrepancies between the prices for the equipment initially given and then
what was later stated ranging from 9-30%. A Kurdish parliamentarian claimed
that middlemen were taking 30% of the contract, while the Russian press
reported that up to $500 million had been given to Iraqi officials in
commissions. The committee eventually named fourteen senior officers that it
suspected of taking illegal money from the Russians including acting Defense Minister
Sadoun Dulaimi, government spokesman Ali Dabbagh, State of Law parliamentarian
Izzat Shabandar, adviser to Iraqi President Jalal Talabani Abdul Aziz al-Badri,
Maliki media adviser Ali Musawi, various generals, and members of the
Defense Ministry staff. Sadrists and Dabbagh went on to accuse the prime minister’s son Ahmed Maliki of also being involved as well. Iraqi and
Lebanese businessmen Majid al-Qaisi and Hassan Fahadh, and Jordanian arms
dealer Qasim Rawi were mentioned as the middlemen who worked out the deal
between Moscow and Defense Minster Dulaimi. In November 2012, Dabbagh was
forced to resign over these accusations, in what appeared to be a calculated
campaign by Maliki to scapegoat him. Dabbagh was the only one in this entire
affair who faced the least bit of punishment. A criminal case was later dropped
for lack of evidence, and Maliki moved ahead with the new deal claiming that
all the problems had been resolved. That’s highly unlikely given this history,
and past arms contracts.
Defense Minister Shalan was
accused of signing millions of dollars in corrupt arms deals that delivered few
weapons and goods to the Iraqi military (Getty)
As soon as Iraq regained
control of its government in 2004 it set about to rearm its military, but many
of these deals were surrounded in controversy. A 2007 U.S. Embassy report from
Baghdad noted that these purchases were a major source of corruption with up
front payments, no performance benchmarks, and often including middlemen that
charged large amounts. (2) Hazim Shalan, the Defense Minister under interim
Prime Minister Iyad Allawi set this precedent using front companies and businessmen in a number of arms contract. The Board of Supreme Audit
looked into 89 deals made by the Defense Ministry from June 2004 to February
2005, and found that Shalan used three middlemen and a select few
companies that took large kickbacks, and bought overpriced, unnecessary, and
sometimes unusable equipment. Nair Mohammed Jumail received 43 of the 89
contracts for at least $759 million. Two of the businesses used were Al Aian Al-Jareya and Safin. They were actually fronts set up by relatives of
Defense Ministry officials, including Shalan’s brother-in-law, the chief of
staff of one of the two vice presidents of Iraq, and Nair Mohammed Jumail. Al Aian Al- Jareya was given
$850 million to buy 64 M18 attack helicopters. It ended up only purchasing four
that turned out to be 25 years old. The Iraqi Army rejected them as a result.
The Defense Minister signed a no bid contract with another Baghdad based
company to buy armored cars from Pakistan. The money was paid up front,
and the vehicles proved unusable, because of poor armor and mechanical
problems. A third example was the Defense Ministry using the American Wye Oak
Technology to refurbish old military equipment. The owner of the company
told the U.S. government that he suspected Iraqi officials of taking kickbacks
in the deal. He went on to say that the Ministry was using a Lebanese
businessman as a middleman, who Baghdad gave three separate checks for $24.7
million, which was then to be passed along to Wye Oak Technology. That money
was never delivered to the U.S. business. Minister Shalan later blamed the
procurement chief at the Defense Ministry Ziad Cattan for all these problems.
An arrest warrant was later issued for Cattan leading him to flee the country.
Shalan ended up leaving as well when he was publicly implicated in these corrupt deals. There
were many other cases involving Shalan and other Defense Ministers. When Iraq
uses the United States to buy weapons it has to file papers, and go through a
detailed process that takes a while to complete, which is one reason why Iraqis
complain about it. Other countries do not have such strict regulations, and in
some cases the middlemen didn’t appear to even go to other governments, but
rather used arms dealers. Since graft and bribery is common in Iraq, the
post-2003 prime ministers have done nothing about their Defense Ministers
partaking in these corrupt deals. Maliki only reluctantly admitted to
corruption in the Russian deal, then put the blame on Dabbagh, so that he could
restart negotiations with Moscow. Iyad Allawi and Ibrahim Jaafari never took
responsibility or action either. This is simply part of how Iraq does business.
It is not by mistake that
Iraq is considered such a corrupt country. The Defense Ministry under various
ministers has partaken in one crooked arms deal after another. These all
involve front companies or middlemen that skim money off the top, and Iraqi
officials who receive payoffs as well. This started in 2004 under the interim
government of Iyad Allawi and has continued all the way to the present regime
of Nouri al-Maliki. The current prime minister is set on completing the arms
deal with Russia even though it’s known that it involves large commissions and
kickbacks. This is a reflection of how corruption has become institutionalized
within the country, and is used as part of governing. Each ruling party takes
as much money as it can get while in office, and distributes it to its
followers as part of patronage networks. Since everyone does it, no one is
willing to put an end to it since everyone could be implicated. Instead, they
deny it is happening, and continue on as if everything is normal. That’s the
reason why there is no serious effort to stop the graft and bribery as the
current Russian weapons procurement highlights.
FOOTNOTES
1. Sabah, Mohammad,
“A parliamentary committee: Prime Minister and Minister of Defense declined to
provide a copy of the Russian arms deal contacts,” Al-Mada, 1/13/13
2. U.S. Embassy,
“Review of Anticorruption Efforts in Iraq Working Draft,” 2007
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