During the 1990s the U.S. suspected that Iraq had continued with its biological weapons (BW) programs after the Gulf War. In 2000, an Iraqi defector codenamed CURVEBALL told the German intelligence service that Baghdad was still working on its WMD and had built seven mobile labs to produce them. This became the basis for the Americans’ assertion that Iraq not only restarted its program, but that it was larger than before 1991.
Rafid Ahmed Alwan
al-Janabi aka CURVEBALL arrived in Germany in 1999 claiming that he had intimate knowledge of Iraq’s
WMD. He said that he was an engineer that worked for a company that installed
equipment on seven mobile WMD labs. He went on to tell the Germans that he saw
a warehouse that was a secret weapons facility, that his boss’s son worked on
WMD, that Iraq was working on various biological agents, that a vaccine institute was part of the program among other stories.
German intelligence attempted to verify Janabi’s claims and immediately ran
into problems. It interviewed CURVEBALL’s former manager who claimed that
Janabi was lying. Despite the issues with his testimony the Germans kept him on
the payroll and passed his stories onto the Americans.
CURVEBALL became the
main source for U.S. intelligence on Iraq’s biological program. 112 reports
were written on CURVEBALL’s debriefings by the Germans. The Americans were
already suspicious that Iraq had switched from using large factories to small
mobile labs to escape U.N. inspectors and the west, which made them open to
Janabi’s story. Like the Germans, the U.S. attempted to find corroborating
evidence. Satellites identified the factory that CURVEBALL said he worked on
the mobile labs at. There was nothing to show that the building had anything to
do with WMD, but the fact that it existed were taken as proof for Janabi. In
December 1996, a human source had provided translation of two Iraqi documents
that talked about mobile labs. In 2002, an Iraqi defector provided by the Iraqi
National Congress told the Americans that Iraq had built mobile labs to avoid
the U.N. He initially passed a polygraph test, but was later labeled a
fabricator by the Defense Intelligence Agency after four suspicious meetings
with him. Despite that, his claims continued to be used. Finally, an Iraqi
seeking asylum in 2001 said he saw mobile labs on trailers. His reliability was
never verified however, and there were inconsistencies with his story. As a
result, in 2002 CURVEBALL was the main reason why the U.S. intelligence
community said that Iraq had biological weapons and the program was more
advanced than before the Gulf War. His stories would later be used in a speech
by President Bush as well as by Secretary of State Colin Powell at the United
Nations in February 2003.
Slide used at Sec
State Powell’s Feb 03 UN speech depicting what US intelligence thought Iraq’s
mobile WMD labs looked like based upon the testimony of CURVEBALL to the
Germans
Some in the CIA
questioned Janabi’s veracity. In 2000, a CIA biological weapons analyst was the
only American ever to talk to CURVEBALL in Germany. He was concerned that
Janabi was an alcoholic and unstable. When he went over Powell’s speech in 2003
he warned his superiors about CURVEBALL. His boss told him that it was too late
to make any changes and the U.S. was going to war anyway so in the big picture
Janabi didn’t matter. Tyler Drumheller the chief of the Agency’s European
Division was told by the Germans in late 2002 that CURVEBALL was unreliable and possibly
lying about his stories. In 2003, he received a draft of Powell’s U.N. speech
and saw that CURVEBALL was being used as a major source and warned that section
should be removed. Finally, an analyst at the Pentagon also had questions about
whether Janabi was who he said he was and if he worked on the programs he
claimed. These three voices were not enough to make any changes in the
intelligence community, and the Secretary of State went on to show slides with
renditions of what the mobile labs supposedly looked like based off of
CURVEBALL’s testimony to the Germans.
It took several
years after the 2003 invasion of Iraq for CURVEBALL to come clean. In 2008 for
instance, he was interviewed by the Los Angeles Times and said he should be treated “like a king”
for his role in overthrowing Saddam. He stated everything he was said was true
and all the attacks upon him since 2003 were false, but then he went on to say
that he never claimed Iraq had WMD. It wasn’t until 2011 that Janabi told the Guardian that in fact he made up everything he told the Germans and did so
because he wanted to get rid of Saddam Hussein.
This was another
example of the faulty intelligence work the U.S. did pre-2003. It wrote over
100 reports based upon debriefings it got from the Germans, yet the only time
an American was able to actually meet Janabi he came away with questions about
whether he was reliable. Since the intelligence agencies were already
predisposed to the mobile labs theory and that Iraq had restarted its WMD
programs the analysts’ concerns were dismissed. A photograph of a building with
no other supporting evidence of a weapons program, an Iraqi defector later
labeled a fabricator, and other problems were ignored as well. Assumptions about
Baghdad’s WMD became facts for the U.S. intelligence agencies in the 2000s, and
those went on to become the basis for the Bush administration’s argument for
war against Iraq.
SOURCES
Chulov, Martin and
Pidd, Helen, “Curveball: How US was duped by Iraqi fantasist looking to topple
Saddam,” Guardian, 2/15/11
Goetz, John and
Drogin, Bob, “’Curveball’ speaks, and a reputation as a disinformation agent
remains intact,” Los Angeles Times, 6/18/08
Select Committee On
Intelligence United States Senate, “Report On The U.S. Intelligence Community’s
Prewar Intelligence Assessments On Iraq,” 7/7/04
Warrick, Joby,
“Warnings on WMD ‘Fabricator’ Were Ignored, Ex-CIA Aide Says,” Washington Post,
6/25/06
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