Parliamentary elections in Iraq are only a month away. Dr. Munqith Dagher recently presented polling data on voting patterns at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. The results showed a divided electorate that is becoming increasingly unhappy with the ruling parties, but the lack of alternatives means those same groups will still hold onto power.
The survey was done from February 22 to March 22, 2018 and
involved over 7,000 people. There was a +/-2% margin of error and 95%
confidence rate.
The first question was whether respondents would vote. 55%
said they would with 60% in Sunni and Kurdish areas, 51% in Shiite ones, and
48% in mixed ones. 55% would be roughly the same as most of the previous
elections. 57% voted in January
2005 for an interim parliament, but that included a Sunni boycott. That
shot up to 76% in December for a permanent government, then dropped to 62% in
2010 (1) and again in 2014.
60% said they wouldn’t vote because they didn’t see any point to it, 28% believed
candidates only thought of themselves, and 5.6% said that the results were
already known. Those findings were the same across mixed, Sunni, Shiite and
Kurdish areas.
Do you intend to
vote?
Area
|
% Yes
|
Mixed
|
48%
|
Sunni
|
60%
|
Shiite
|
51%
|
Kurd
|
60%
|
TOTAL
|
55%
|
Reasons for not
voting
No point to
elections
|
60%
|
Candidates only
think of themselves
|
28%
|
Results already
known
|
5.6%
|
When asked what was most important factor in choosing a
candidate or party 32% picked integrity, 18% because they would find jobs, and
11% said they would defend the rights of citizens.
What is the most
important factor when choosing a candidate/list to vote for?
Integrity
|
32%
|
Will find jobs
|
16%
|
Defend rights of
citizens
|
11%
|
There were two different breakdowns for predicted election
results. First, were all eligible voters. Prime Minister Haidar Abadi’s Nasr
list came out with 72 seats, the pro-Iran Hashd’s Fatah was at 37 seats,
Moqtada al-Sadr was at 27, Vice President Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law had
19, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)
had 18, Vice President Iyad Allawi, Speaker of Parliament Salim Jabouri and
Salah al-Mutlaq’s Wataniya was at 15, Nishtiman made up of Change, Barham
Salah’s new party, and the Kurdistan Islamic Group had 8, Ammar Hakim’s Hikma
had 5, the Kurdish New Generation had 4, Vice President Osama Nujafi and Jamal
Karbuli’s Al Karar had 3, the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) had 2, and the Arab
Coalition had 1.
Predicted Election
Results – All Respondents
List
|
#
of Seats
|
Nasr/Abadi
|
72
|
Fatah/Hashd
|
37
|
Sadr
|
27
|
State of
Law/Maliki
|
19
|
KDP-PUK
|
18
|
Wataniya/Allawi-Jabouri-Mutlaq
|
15
|
Nishtiman
|
8
|
Hikma/Hakim
|
5
|
New Generation
|
4
|
Al Karar/Nujafi-Karbuli
|
3
|
KIU
|
2
|
Arab Coalition
|
1
|
When the results were reduced to just the people who said
they were certain to vote the results were basically the same. Abadi’s Nasr was
still first with 78 seats, then Fatah with 37, Sadr with 29, the KDP and PUK
with 21, State of Law with 19, Wataniya with 14, Nishtiman with 8, Hikma with
5, New Generation with 4, Al Karar with 2, the KIU with 2, and the Arab
Coalition with 1. The only major change was the KDP and PUK pulling more seats
than Maliki’s State of Law.
Predicted Election
Results – Those Certain To Vote
List
|
#
of Seats
|
Nasr/Abadi
|
78
|
Fatah/Hashd
|
37
|
Sadr
|
29
|
KDP-PUK
|
21
|
State of
Law/Maliki
|
19
|
Wataniya/Allawi-Jabouri-Mutlaq
|
14
|
Nishtiman
|
8
|
Hikma/Hakim
|
5
|
New Generation
|
4
|
Al Karar/Nujafi-Karbuli
|
2
|
KIU
|
2
|
Arab Coalition
|
1
|
Dr. Munqith believed that voters were moving away from the
traditional parties. When asked about their political orientations Islamic
parties, which would be all of the Shiite ones and Speaker Jabouri’s Islamic
Party dropped from 49%-52% from 2004 to 2014 down to 23% in 2018. Secular
parties such as Allawi’s Iraqiya went from 43%-50% from 2004 to 2010 down to
28% in 2014 and then 12% in 2018. On the other hand, mixed parties were at 0%
from 2004-2010, then 7% in 2014 up to 33% in 2018. Abadi’s Nasr list includes
some Sunnis and even plans
on running in Kurdistan this year. Sadr has also changed track with an alliance
with the Iraqi Communist Party after they worked together organizing protests
demanding political reform. The Fatah list may also include Sunni elements.
There were other signs of change as well. In Sunni areas 36%
said they would vote for Abadi’s list. In Shiite areas 89% voted for Islamic
parties in 2014. Only 65% said they would do the same in 2018. Similarly, in
Kurdish areas 82% voted for the established parties like the KDP and PUK, but 70%
said they would do so in 2018.
Overall, the polling showed that people were growing weary
of the status quo. At the same time, if the lists receive the predicted number
of seats the new government will look much like the present one. That means
Prime Minister Haidar Abadi will maintain his position atop another national
coalition government with the Shiite parties holding the majority of positions.
Change always happens slowly in politics. That means while people may be
looking for alternatives they find themselves mostly looking at the same faces
to pick from this year.
FOOTNOTE
1. Hanna, Michael Wahid, “Some Iraqi Odds and Ends,”
Democracy Arsenal, 3/10/10
SOURCES
Dagher, Dr. Munqith,
“Iraqi Public Opinion on the 2018 Parliamentary Elections,” Center for
Strategic & International Studies, 3/28/18
Fadel, Leila, “Low
turnout in Iraq’s election reflects a disillusioned nation,” McClatchy Newspapers,
2/2/09
Habib, Mustafa, “Change We Can Believe In? Major Religious Group Allies
With Iraq’s Communists, For Election Shake-Up,” Niqash, 2/8/18
Hanna, Michael Wahid, “Some Iraqi Odds and Ends,” Democracy
Arsenal, 3/10/10
Qader, Histyar, “An Unusual Idea: Iraqi PM To Campaign In Kurdistan
Too, But His First Move Falls Flat,” Niqash, 3/29/18
Salaheddin,
Sinan and Yacoub, Sameer, “Iraqi PM’s bloc wins most parliamentary seats,”
Associated Press, 5/19/14
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