Behind The Frontlines In Iraq, Interview With Inside Iraqi Politics’ Nathaniel Rabkin

As the Islamic State is losing on the battlefield in Iraq the question of what will happen to those areas now behind the frontlines is coming to the fore. In Baghdad and the south there is growing lawlessness and tribal disputes. Some sections of the country are under the control of the Hashd rather than the government, and the Kurds have taken many of the disputed territories. There is also the issue of who should be able to return to freed areas. To discuss those issues and more is Nathaniel Rabkin, managing editor of Inside Iraqi Politics. He can be followed on Twitter at @NateRabkin.

Musings On The Iraq In The News

My article on growing unemployment and poverty in Iraq was republished in the Iraqi papers Al Mada, Sotaliraq, and Al Wathika. 

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Life In Iraq’s Tikrit Returns To Normal

Tikrit was retaken in March of last year. Afterward elements of the Hashd al-Shaabi and the Jabouri tribe burned down and destroyed sections of the city and several surrounding towns in revenge for the Camp Speicher massacre where the Islamic State (IS) killed over 1,000 cadets. Residents of the area were also not allowed to return for months because they were suspected of being IS sympathizers. Now most of the population is back, and life appears to be returning to normal.

National Public Radio (NPR) recently reported on the situation in Tikrit. NPR’s Alice Fordham found the central market open, people shopping, and 70-90% of the original inhabitants back in their homes. The Hashd controlled the presidential palace, but Sunni policemen were in charge of most of the city. Thousands of people have not been able to return to the area however as they have been labeled IS collaborators. Local Shiite tribesmen are also arguing over blood money for family members they lost while the area was under insurgent control. Given what transpired in the district beforehand this was an amazing transformation.

Tikrit was freed from the Islamic State in March 2015 followed by days of looting and destruction of property throughout the district. Three days after the city’s liberation the Salahaddin council called on Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani to intervene and stop the burning of homes and stealing. The governor and head of council also protested violations going on in the area. Two security officers told Reuters that homes were being set afire, and the Hashd were behind the attacks on buildings. This was happening not only in Tikrit, but the surrounding towns as well. On April 6, Prime Minister Haidar Abadi said that 152 houses and shops had been destroyed in Tikrit, but didn’t say by who. Even by the end of April, there were still stories of buildings being damaged. A Tikrit municipal worker for example, was quoted in the Financial Times stating that 300 out of 600 structures in the north of the city were wiped out including two mosques. The Tikrit area was the site of the Camp Speicher massacre. IS and members of the Albu Ajeel tribe were blamed for rounding up 1,700 cadets from the base and executing them. When the Tikrit operation was launched many Hashd units said they wanted revenge for that bloodbath. That was why they carried out these acts.

Five months later Human Rights Watch released a report on the destruction of the Tikrit area. It found that Badr, the Ali Akbar Brigades, Asaib Ahl Al-Haq, Kataib Hezbollah, Saraya Khorasan, Jund al-Imam and Sunni volunteers destroyed at least 1,425 buildings in Tikrit, Dour, Albu Ajeel and Alam, 950 of which looked like they were blown up and 400 burned. 200 people were also arrested and 160 were never seen again. This all happened after the district was liberated, and supported the press reports made at the time. Many officials however denied that the Hashd were responsible instead blaming gangs and local tribes. Abu Mahdi Muhandis for example, the deputy commander of the Hashd acknowledged that there were violations going on in Tikrit, but blamed criminal gangs. Adnan Asadi a parliamentarian from State of Law said that elements of the press were carrying out a smear campaign against the Hashd, while a Hashd spokesman blamed Sunni tribes. The Hashd and its supporters obviously did not want to admit to any wrong doings, and neither did the government in the end. While everyone seemed to admit that there was a period of lawlessness after the Tikrit area was freed, the Hashd were never held responsible.

The next phase of the Tikrit story was the decision over who would be allowed to return. The major issue was over IS sympathizers. The Albu Ajeel and Albu Nasr tribes were blamed for not only joining IS, but the former was accused of taking part in the Speicher massacre. The Jabouri tribe, that sided with the government and fought IS, also wanted blood money for its members that were killed in the fighting. Because of their ties, the Jabouris were able to return, mostly to the town of Alam outside of Tikrit early on. By the middle of June, people who had been vetted started heading back to the district. In November the mayor of Tikrit claimed that 90% of the residents were home, and the United Nations reported that Salahaddin had the most returns overall in the country. Even some Albu Ajeel members were allowed to go back as long as they were not deemed pro-insurgent after a reconciliation meeting was held, and the Hashd signed off on it. Some 120,000 people have not been allowed back however. This has happened in other parts of the country as well. Tribes, the Hashd, the Peshmerga, etc. have all blocked people they believe to have joined the insurgents from going back to their homes. The government has tried to mediate some of these disputes, and even offered to pay blood money for dead relatives, but as in the case of Tikit, tens of thousands have still been excluded. They will remain displaced as a result, and have to re-settle in other parts of the country or perhaps try to move to Europe as others are currently attempting.

Tikrit is part success story, part tragedy. The Hashd and fighters from the Jabouri tribe destroyed sections of the city and surrounding towns out of revenge for the Speicher massacre and joining the insurgency. Over 100,000 people have also been kept from their homes because of those same accusations. On the other hand, the majority of the district is now returning to normality. People are back at work and school, and trying to start over. They are trying to think about the future, but the recent past is still in their memories as so much destruction was left in the wake of the Islamic State, and the retaliation that followed its expulsion from the district. The same pattern is being played out in other parts of the country as well, and will likely leave deep scars after the war is long over.

SOURCES

Abbas, Mushreq, “Displaced Iraqis still wait to return home,” Al Monitor, 6/24/15

Arango, Tim, “After Iraqis Wrest Tikrit From ISIS, Sectarian and Tribal Tensions Persist,” New York Times, 5/9/15

Bradley, Matt and Nissenbaum, Dion, “’Chaos,’ Charges of Abuses Follow Retaking of Tikrit,” Wall Street Journal, 4/3/15

- “Iraq, U.S. Are Divided on What’s Next in Battle Against Islamic State,” Wall St Journal, 4/5/15

Daragahi, Borzou, “Sacking of Tikrit district highlights Iraq tensions,” Financial Times, 4/30/15

Fordham, Alice, “After Retaking Iraqi City, Shiite Militias Accused Of Targeting Sunnis,” National Public radio, 4/7/15

- “The Fragile Peace Of An Iraqi City Once Run By ISIS,” NPR, 1/29/16

Habib, Mustafa, “Tikrit After The Extremists: A Ghost Town Ruled By Gunmen,” Niqash, 4/30/15

Human Rights Watch, “Iraq: Militia Abuses Mar Fight Against ISIS,” 9/20/15

International Organization for Migration, “Displacement in Iraq Exceeds 3.2 Million: IOM,” 10/16/15

Al-Jawoshy, Omar and Arango, Tim, “Iraqi Families Return to Fragile Stability in Tikrit After Liberation From ISIS,” New York Times, 6/22/15

Al-Jibouri, Ghazwan Hassan, “Family Feuds That Last, And Last: As Extremists Withdraw in Salahaddin, Iraq’s Tribes Demand Justice,” Niqash, 10/22/15

Al Mada, “75% of displaced returns in Salahuddin..but Saddam’s tribe abandons Awija willingly,” 11/3/15

- “Jubouri: Iraq needs figures like al-Sadr and what happened in Tikrit will not deter us from freeing Anbar and Mosul,” 4/5/15

- “Karim al-Jubouri leave Tikrit to protest against the “violations” within the city,” 4/3/15

- “Salahuddin announce the return of 8,500 displaced families to Tikrit and role,” 7/30/15

- “Salahuddin clans agree to the return of the people of Albu-Ajeel, excluding only 300 people,” 9/28/15

- “Salahuddin Council rejects the return of families involved with Daash,” 5/7/15

- “Tikrit after liberation: “Daash” executions aggravate disputes .. tribal and local government restricted movement,” 4/24/15

Morris, Loveday, “Iraq chased Islamic State out of Tikrit. Getting residents back is still a battle,” Washington Post, 6/19/15

Al Rafidayn, “Popular crowd acknowledges the existence of some lurking in their ranks and prepared to bring them to justice,” 4/5/15

Reuters, “After Iraqi forces take Tikrit, a wave of looting and lynching,” 4/3/15

- “First families return to Tikrit since city retaken from IS,” 6/15/15

Al-Salhy, Suadad, “What really happened in Tikrit after ISIL fled,” Al Jazeera, 4/7/15

Shafaq News, “Najafi: looting and burning of property in Tikrit revenge and overturning victory,” 4/3/15

- “Senate Salahuddin: We want intervention of Sistani to stop burning Tikrit .. government is incapable,” 4/3/15

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Iraq: Humanitarian Bulletin 1-15 October 2015,” 10/20/15

Xinhua, “Iraqi forces halt looting, arson in Tikrit,” 4/4/15

Zeed, Adnan Abu, “Controversy surrounds alleged violations by Shiite forces in Tikrit,” Al Monitor, 4/23/15

Amnesty & Human Rights Watch Confirm Hashd Revenge Attacks In Iraq’s Muqtadiya

In early January 2016 the Islamic State carried out a double bombing in Diyala’s Muqtadiya that left over a hundred casualties. The attack targeted the Hashd, and in retaliation they went after the city’s Sunnis burning and destroying buildings and killing civilians. The Iraqi government initially did nothing, and then blamed gangs, while the Hashd said it was all the work of insurgents. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch both talked with residents that confirmed that it was Shiite armed groups that were responsible for the sectarian violence.

The Islamic State provoked the descent into chaos in Muqtadiya. On January 11, the group set off two bombs at a café in the Asri neighborhood that left 46 dead and 55 wounded. Afterward elements of the Hashd carried out revenge attacks in 9 neighborhoods, plus the town of Qubba. They drove cars around with loudspeakers telling Sunnis to leave, while they destroyed buildings. Both Amnesty and Human Rights Watch talked with locals who said that armed men came to their houses and took away their relatives who later turned up dead or shot them in front of their residences. Amnesty reported that many of these acts took place in sight of the security forces that did nothing. The Hashd also killed two reporters from Sharqiya TV that had just left Muqtadiya at a checkpoint according to the station. In total, 8 houses, 12 mosques, 36 shops, and 43 people were killed in the days following the bombings. Human Rights Watch was told that members of Badr and Asaib Ahl Al-Haq were responsible. This was just the type of violence that the Islamic State was hoping to provoke. It has played upon the sectarian divisions within the country, and is still hoping to incite them.

While the revenge attacks were going on the Iraqi press and most politicians said nothing, and afterward tried to blame other elements besides the Hashd. A review of nearly twenty Iraqi newspapers showed only two stories on the events in Muqtadiya the day it happened. Afterward, an array of different parties were said to be behind the violence. The head of the city council said it was unknown gunmen, Hadi Ameri the head of Badr who controls Diyala claimed it was Baathists, and some Hashd blamed the Islamic State. Prime Minister Haidar Abadi eventually went to Muqtadiya and promised that the perpetrators would be arrested, and blamed gangs. The police eventually arrested seven people, but none of them were from the Hashd. The authorities were obviously following the lead of the politicians who were trying to downplay the events.

The lack of coverage and the dodging of guilt revealed a lot about the situation in Diyala, and Iraq in general. The province is under the military and political control of Hadi Ameri. He is a powerful figure as his Badr is part of the State of Law list, he is one of the major commanders in the war against the Islamic State, and is close to Iran. His position was why the security forces did nothing while the Hashd were attacking Sunnis, and why there was almost a total press blackout on the situation while it was happening. This is the predicament facing Iraq. It needs the Hashd to fight the Islamic State, but the major elements are trying to carve out their own position in the country to the detriment of the state and Premier Abadi. This problem is not going to go away any time soon.

SOURCES

Alsumaria, “Abadi issued strict instructions to arrest the aggressors on mosques,” 1/14/16

- “Popular crowd: Events in Muqdadiyah caused by international community to destabilize the situation and nothing sectarian,” 1/14/16

Amnesty International, “Iraq: Militia war crimes in Muqdadiya highlight authorities’ persistent failures to hold them to account,” 2/5/16

Human Rights Watch, “Iraq Possible War Crimes by Shia Militia,” 1/31/16

Iraq News Network, “Parliamentary security: the formation of a fact-finding committee to cause Diyala,” 1/14/16

National Iraqi News Network, “IEDs Injures Five Civilians In East Of Baquba,” 1/13/16

New Sabah, “Salim al-Jabouri: State is endangered and everyone is working for the stability of the province,” 1/13/16

Rasheed, Ahmed and Hameed, Saif, “Sunni MPs boycott Iraq parliament and govt in protest at violence,” Reuters, 1/19/16

Sattar, Sardar, “Iraqi Sunnis Plea UN to Stop Shi’ite Militia “Atrocities,”” Bas News, 1/14/16

Sotaliraq, “Amiri: targeting Sunnis is a crime and we will stand against igniting sedition,” 1/16/16

- “Armed groups tell people of Muqdadiyah to choose between leaving and death,” 1/13/16