Tuesday, December 30, 2014

Asaib Ahl Al-Haq From A Breakaway Sadr Militia To Defenders Of Iraq



Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) has gone through a dramatic transformation since its founding in 2006. Originally, its leader Qais Khazali started the group because he differed with Moqtada al-Sadr about how to fight the Americans. AAH then became one of many militias supported by the Iranians. That alliance led Khazali to send his men to Syria to defend the Assad government in 2012. At the same time, Khazali moved towards politics and an alliance with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. That proved eventful, because when the insurgency re-emerged in 2013, the premier called on AAH to help defend the country. Now AAH is on the frontline and taking part in almost every major operation to fight the militants. That has allowed AAH to move from being just one of many Shiite militias to claim that it is one of the main defenders of the Iraqi state.

Qais Khazali was a leading student of Ayatollah Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr and claims to be the true inheritor of his legacy (Wikipedia)

The rise of Qais Khazali began with Ayatollah Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr, but he would later break with his teachings. Khazali was one of Sadr’s leading students, while the ayatollah expanded the work of his cousin Ayatollah Mohammed Baqir al-Sadr by appealing to poor Shiites who had migrated to Iraq’s cities, setting up social programs for them, and restarting Friday prayers. Sadr was also an ardent nationalist who called for an Islamic State led by Iraq’s Shiites. (1) When Sadr was killed by the government in 1999, Khazali and several others of his followers kept the movement alive by going underground. By 2003 he was one of the top lieutenants to Sadr’s son Moqtada. When those two split, Khazali claimed he was the true inheritor of Sadiq al-Sadr. Khazali called on other Sadrists to join him in fighting the U.S.-led occupation in his nationalist Islamic movement. (2) That resistance was largely funded by Tehran, which led Khazali towards supporting an Iranian style religious state and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s vilyat al-faqih, the rule of the jurist. In doing so he became a disciple of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. In August 2012 for instance, Asaib Ahl Al-Haq posted hundreds of posters of Ayatollah Sadiq al-Sadr and Ayatollah Khamenei all over Baghdad and Basra. The Sadr movement has constantly denounced AAH for its connections with Iran, and Moqtada al-Sadr has called them “people of the falsehood” and “foreign entities” meaning that they are not part of the Sadr legacy nor real Iraqis because of their loyalty to Tehran. Since Ayatollah Sadiq al-Sadr argued that Iraq’s Arab Shiites should lead the Hawza, the religious establishment, and not Iranians it would be hard to see how Khazali is maintaining the ayatollah’s traditions. Instead, his relationship with Tehran has led him to be under its religious and political influence. That has shaped most of his and AAH’s activities over the last several years.

Qais Khazali went from being one of Moqtada al-Sadr’s (pictured in the background poster) top lieutenants to breaking away and forming his own group Asaib Ahl Al-Haq (AP)

Qais Khazali and Moqtada al-Sadr broke over differences on how to confront the American occupation of Iraq. In August 2004, the Mahdi Army launched its battle for control of the holy city of Najaf, which ended with a ceasefire. Khazali objected and went back to Baghdad to continue fighting the Americans. By October Khazali had formed his own militia along with Akram al-Kabi who was in charge of the Mahdi Army in Najaf, Abdul Hadi al-Darraji, a senior Sadrists in Baghdad, and several others. Sadr tried to woo them back by offering them high-level positions in 2005, but Khazali and the others continued on with their own independent activities. In 2006, Khazali finally broke with Sadr for good and went on to create Asaib Ahl Al-Haq. He brought along with him more leading Sadrists such as Mohammed Tabatabai, Kazim Abadi, and his brother Laith Khazali. All of them with the exception of Laith had been students of Ayatollah Sadiq al-Sadr together. Moqtada al-Sadr and Qais Khazali were just as opposed to the U.S. occupation of Iraq. Their differences were over tactics, as well as politics. In 2005 the Sadrists became major members in the new Iraqi government as Moqtada aspired to become one of the leaders of the country rather than just a militia commander. Khazali didn’t show any interest in that effort since the government worked with the Americans. Khazali also probably did see himself as one of the true leaders of the Sadr movement as he had studied under the Ayatollah, while Moqtada lacked religious training. Sadr was also known to be mercurial. All together this led the two to part ways.

Image from an AAH video of an IED attack upon an American Humvee (AP)

By the summer of 2006 AAH started carrying out its first operations against the Coalition, and quickly received Iranian backing. Khazali’s militia became organized into four main groups: the Imam al-Ali Brigade in southern Iraq, the Imam al-Kazem Brigade in western Baghdad, the Imam al-Hadi Brigade in eastern Baghdad, and the Imam al-Skeri Brigade in Diyala and Kirkuk. By July these brigades claimed responsibility for attacks in Sadiya, Rustamiya, Sabi al-Bour, and Shaab in Baghdad, Nasiriyah in Dhi Qar, Diwaniya in Qadisiyah, and Daquq in Kirkuk. Khazali needed a source of funding and weapons to carry out these activities, and found a willing sponsor in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force (IRGC-QF). In May, IRGC-QF commander General Qasim Suleimani and Hezbollah commander Ali Mussa Daqduq who had been sent to Iraq to coordinate militia activity with the Iranians met in Tehran to re-think their tactics. They had been working with the Mahdi Army and several other militias to oppose the American effort in the country, but the Sadrists were fracturing into many small groups such as Khazali’s, and Sadr proved difficult to work with. Instead, Suleimani and Daqduq decided to work with some of these breakaway entities, which were easier to control. Khazali became the beneficiary of this revision in policy. That opened the door to training by the Quds Force and Hezbollah in both Iran and Lebanon. Daqduq would also become the main link between Suleimani and Khazali. Mustafa Sheibani, a former Badr Brigade members helped smuggle Iranian weapons and money to AAH. The Sheibani network was noted for delivering Explosively Formed Penetrators (EFPs) to Shiite militias like Khazali’s. Tehran facilitated Khazali’s break from Sadr, and enabled him to carry out attacks upon the Americans. His most notorious operation however backfired.

American mugshots of Qais and Laith Khazali after their arrests for the attack upon the Karbala Provincial Joint Coordination Center in 2007

In 2007 AAH carried out an elaborate infiltration into an American base, which led to the arrest of the group’s leadership. In January, a number of AAH operatives drove into the Karbala Provincial Joint Coordination Center in SUVs commonly used by Americans and dressed in U.S. uniforms. They then killed one U.S. soldier and kidnapped four others who were later shot as well. IRGC-QF provided the militia with intelligence on the base and planned the attack. This would lead to the arrest of Qais and Laith Khazali and Hezbollah commander Daqduq in Basra in March. This completely disrupted AAH’s activities for several months. Eventually Akram al-Kabi took over the movement while the Khazali’s were in custody. In retaliation, AAH kidnapped five British nationals, the bodyguards Alan McMenemy, Alec MacLachlan, Jason Swindlehurst, Jason Creswell, and technician Peter Moore from the Finance Ministry in Baghdad in May using 80-100 militiamen wearing Interior Ministry uniforms. The captives were taken to Sadr City and then Iran where they were allegedly turned over to the IRGC-QF. AAH then demanded the release of their leaders in return for their prisoners. This led to several years of negotiations that were conducted by AAH members in Iran. At one point General Suleimani offered to stop attacks by Iranian backed militias if Qais Khazali were released, but the Americans turned him down. By 2008 AAH was feeling added pressure to get its leaders released because the militia had been dispersed by the Charge of the Knights offensive in Basra, Maysan, and Baghdad, with most of its fighters fleeing to Iran. By January 2009 an elaborate deal had finally been worked out between the Iraqi, British, and American governments, which allowed Laith Khazali to be released. In return for releasing not only the Khazali and Daqduq, but also most of the group's fighters held by the U.S. and airing a video, the 5 Brits would be returned. Several AAH commanders, and around 300 of its men were eventually released before Qais Khazali was set free in January 2010. In return Peter Moore was returned in December 2009, but his four guards were all dead having been shot shortly after they were taken from the Finance Ministry. The last one of their bodies, that of Alan McMenemy was not delivered to the British authorities until January 2012. This set a precedent of kidnapping foreigners to achieve the organization’s goals. In January 2010 it seized American contractor Issa Salomi in Baghdad, and claimed it held a second American, Ahmad Quasay al-Taae, which it took back in 2006. Two months later AAH got four of its members out of prison for Salomi. What appeared to be a major setback, actually ended up working to the group’s benefit. AAH not only survived the arrest of its leader, but also got almost all of its militiamen eventually released via kidnappings. It now had the manpower to pick up the pace of its operations against the Americans as they prepared to withdraw from Iraq.

By the end of 2008 AAH had been able to reorganize itself. Many of its fighters eventually infiltrated back to Iraq after the Charge of the Knights campaign. There was then a cease-fire while talks with Baghdad and the Coalition were on going to get the release of the Khazalis. That ended when Qais Khazali was released in January 2010. It then began to expand. Abu Dura for example, who was known as the Shiite Zarqawi during the civil war came back to Iraq in 2010 and was said to have joined the militia. (3) AAH also started a recruiting campaign (4) offering people large salaries and other benefits to joint it and carry out operations against the Coalition. Much of this money was coming from Tehran who was said to be providing AAH with up to $5 million a month. At the end of 2011, it began picking up attacks on the Americans so that it could take credit for their withdrawal. It would later claim responsibility for over 6,000 attacks upon the U.S. and Coalition forces from 2006-2011. The Coalition wasn’t the only focus of the group however. By 2011, AAH was accused of carrying out assassinations (5) of Defense and Interior Ministry officials in Baghdad. (6) In 2012 the United Nations documented 56-90 murders of homosexuals and emo kids, and blamed AAH for most of those killings. The next year the militia was accused of attacking cafes in the capital for allegedly hiring under-aged girls, being used for prostitution, staying open too long, and breaking religious rules on contacts between the sexes. One of the main reasons why Khazali created Asaib Ahl Al-Haq was to oppose the American occupation. When the U.S. announced that it was withdrawing at the end of 2011, it saw a golden opportunity to not only claim credit for the Americans departure, but to expand its base as well. It also showed that it opposed factions within the Iraqi government, and was willing to kill them. Finally, its Islamic ideas led to attacks upon groups and businesses it considered immoral and unIslamic. Overall, the group proved that it held extremist views and would use violence as its main means to achieve its goals.

As AAH grew its rivalry with the Sadrists became violent. Sadr had tried several times to reach out to Khazali, but those efforts failed. By 2010 the two were fighting. In December AAH attempted to bury two of its fighters in a cemetery in Najaf reserved for Sadrists, which led to a shoot out. Starting in the summer of 2011 there were said to be almost daily confrontations between the two. On June 8, Sadrist Assad Khader Mohammed was killed in Baghdad. June 18 there was a clash between the two in a market in Sadr City. That led the Sadrists to do a drive by on Abu Dura. Then from June 28 to August 4 four Sadrist and AAH members were assassinated in tit for tat killings. In June 2013 an argument led to a shooting at a Sadrist rally in Baghdad, which the movement claimed was an attempt on the life of Hazim Araji who headed the Sadr office in Kadhimiya. The next month AAH men burned shops owned by Sadrists in Baghdad’s Karrada district. That led to more fighting in Sadr City, and the burning of three homes owned by Sadrists. In August there was shooting after a shouting match in Hurriya that left a Mahdi Army leader dead. The Sadrists then retaliated by kidnapping an AAH leader. Finally in November there was heavy fighting in Sadr City and Zafaraniya that led to 15 fatalities. The conflict between Sadr and Khazali had always been an intense one. Sadr considered Khazali an existential threat to his movement, since he was a leading student of his father, had much more religious training then him, and drew away some of his top commanders and officials when he left. Usually the two just attacked each other verbally, but that eventually escalated to a small scale ware lasting several years, which mostly raged in the capital. This conflict continues to this day.

Despite AAH’s history of violence, it finally decided to turn towards politics, which led to an alliance with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. At the start of 2009 the first stories emerged of AAH considering a run in that year’s provincial elections. This opened the door to a number of talks with the premier and the National Reconciliation Committee where the group promised to give up violence as well after Qais Khazali was freed from American captivity. As part of the negotiations Maliki agreed to free all AAH prisoners. When Khazali was finally released at the start of 2010 however, he broke off talks (7) and moved to Iran. A year later, AAH was back at the table with the National Reconciliation Committee (8) this time saying that it would join politics after the U.S. withdrawal. AAH was serious this time as most of its leadership returned to Baghdad from Iran at the end of the year, and on December 26 Qais Khazali officially said that his group would be taking up the ballot. Maliki once again courted them, allowing it to carry out a parade in January 2012 to celebrate the departure of American forces, and a military march in June, which was attended by members of the premier’s Dawa Party. The group didn’t end up running in the 2013 provincial elections, but it did look to expand its base. It opened offices in Baghdad, Hillah, Najaf, Khalis, Tal Afar and Basra along with one in Beirut, Lebanon, plus religious schools in Baghdad, Maysan, Basra, Dhi Qar, Najaf, and Muthanna. It also tried to portray itself as a nationalist group by meeting with Sunni and Sabean leaders. In December 2013 AAH decided to run in the 2014 national vote, and would support Maliki’s State of Law. It ended up winning one seat in Baghdad with its Sadiqun list. Like Sadr before him, Khazali was hoping that he could turn his militia into a political party and join the government in Baghdad. Maliki welcomed this move because he was hoping that AAH could cut into Sadr’s base. That was the reason why he never did anything about all the fighting that took place between the groups. Although the one seat it won in 2014 was insignificant it showed the larger aspirations of Khazali and his alliance with Maliki.

Funeral procession for AAH fighters killed in Syria, Nov 2013 (Reuters)

Although AAH was making a peaceful turn in Iraq, it had not given up violence as it went to fight in Syria. In 2012 General Suleimani called on his Iraqi allies to help protect the Assad government. AAH sent fighters early that year. It was supposedly protecting the Sayid Zainab shrine in the Damascus suburbs, (9) but its first fighter was killed in Hama just over 130 miles to the north. AAH initially denied its involvement, but finally admitted it in 2013 when it started having public funerals for its men that died there. Members of AAH joined the Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas brigade, and eventually formed its own Syrian militia the Liwa Kafeel Zainab. To prepare for the fighting many AAH militiamen went to Iran for training, received money and weapons from Tehran, had Iranian advisers on the ground with them, and aid from Lebanese Hezbollah. Iran was intent on protecting its ally the Assad government when protests broke out there. Part of that strategy was using Iraqi militias to prop up the regime and fight the rebels. AAH responded to that call showing that it had become one of many Iranian proxies that could be used in the region. AAH would eventually become part of the backbone of the Syrian regime’s defenses, something that would be repeated in Iraq.

ISF M113 armored personnel carrier with AAH logo painted on the front showing the integration of the militia within the government’s forces (W.G. Dunlop)

When the Iraqi insurgency took off in 2013 AAH quickly became involved in the fighting. Towards the end of 2013 Maliki reportedly began using militias like AAH as an ad hoc defense force. In September, an AAH leader told the New York Times that it was working with the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), and there were reports that its militiamen had access to government badges and weapons. The next month Khazali announced that he was creating popular committees in mixed Sunni-Shiite neighborhoods, because he felt like the ISF were incompetent and could not protect people. In January 2014, he came out in support of Maliki’s effort in Anbar where open fighting had broken out at the end of December, and began bringing back his fighters from Syria to Iraq to be deployed in that province. One commander was said to have been killed in Anbar that month. In March, Maliki organized AAH, Kataib Hezbollah and the Badr Brigades into a new security force for Baghdad out of frustration with the ISF. The next month it started a new recruitment program and formed Popular Defense Brigades. By the time Mosul fell, AAH was already integrated within many ISF units and was deployed in central and western Iraq. It would then be used in every major operation starting with the defense of Samarra in June. It would then go on to help clear Muqtadiya, Diyala and take part in the  failed thrusts at Tikrit in June, it fought for Jurf al-Sakhr in Babil in July, helped end the siege of Amerli in Salahaddin in August, and continued fighting in Anbar in September to name just a few. Everyone acknowledges that after the fall of Mosul and the collapse of the ISF in the north, Baghdad became reliant upon militias. What is less known was these armed groups were already operating alongside and within the security forces in 2013. The government’s turn towards militias was promoted by Iran, as it tried to replicate its Syrian strategy in Iraq. For example, after insurgents took Mosul General Suleimani flew to Iraq, and met with Khazali as part of his planning for the defense of Baghdad. IRGC-QF also provided advisers, weapons, training, and planning for AAH operations. In doing so, both AAH and Iran gained more power not only within the security forces, but the state as well.

As in the previous Iraqi civil war from 2005-2008, AAH was not only involved in fighting the insurgents, but carrying out sectarian attacks as well. In October 2013, it was reported that Maliki was using AAH for retaliatory attacks in Baghdad after terrorist bombings. This was confirmed by an AAH commander who told the Washington Post in early 2014 that it was behind targeted killings after bombings of Shiite neighborhoods in the capital. It was also accused of pushing out families from Jurf al-Sakhr in northeast Babil in January. In April AAH was thought to be behind death squad operations, and attacking homes and mosques in Diyala. The most glaring example was at the end of that month, when insurgents temporarily took over the town of Buhriz. When the ISF and AAH retook the village, armed men drove through it shouting Shiite slogans, burned houses and mosques, and rounded up 28 young men and executed them. After Tikrit fell to the Islamic State in June, AAH set up checkpoints in Salahaddin looking for ISF deserters and people fleeing the city, and ended up shooting at three cars and killing 12 people. It also kidnapped three Sunni men, killed them, and dumped their bodies in Sadiya, Baghdad on June 12. On June 17, Badr and AAH were believed to be behind the killing of 43 detainees who were taken from a prison in Jumarkhe, Diyala. The following month, 50 bodies were found blindfolded and shot in Khamisiya, Babil with rumors pointing to AAH being responsible. In early July AAH militiamen destroyed nine houses and five mosques in Ballor, Mansuriya, and Muqtadiya, and were involved in the killing of three civilians in Sensl and seventeen others in Nofal all in Diyala. Later in July, 8 black SUVs full of gunmen abducted the head of the Baghdad provincial council Riyad al-Adhadh and four of his bodyguards. They were taken to a secret facility in the capital where the guards were beaten and asked to confess that Adhadh supported the insurgency. The head of council was released after Prime Minister Maliki, the speaker of parliament, and several other Iraqi leaders and Western diplomats intervened. Qais Khazali secured his release, which led many to believe that AAH or a group connected to it was behind the incident. From June 1 to July 9 Human Rights Watch documented the deaths of 61 people with AAH being the most likely culprit. In September, AAH was accused of cutting off water supplies to Sunni areas, bulldozing and blowing up houses, ordering civilians to leave, kidnappings, executions, and mass arrests in northern Babil. The current Iraqi war is quickly repeating the worst aspects of the last civil conflict. Militias are targeting civilians because they are considered the support base of the insurgents, and therefore legitimate targets. This is leading to sectarian cleansing in places such as Salahaddin, Diyala and the Baghdad belts. While groups like AAH are behind many of these attacks, they could not be successful without the knowledge and support of the security forces and government, which again mirrors what happened from 2005-2008.

AAH has also been involved in criminal activities such as kidnappings for ransom. The most infamous incident occurred on October 20, 2014 when there was a 20 minute shootout between the Federal Police and militia gunmen in Karrada, Baghdad. A spokesman for the Interior Ministry said that police were raiding a hotel where a kidnapping ring was operating. This came after a Kurdish businesswoman and relative of deputy premier Rowsch Shaways Sara Hamid Niran, who was abducted in September, escaped form her captors and made it to an ISF checkpoint. The police then surrounded the hotel she fled from. They found militiamen there who demanded that Niran be handed back to them. Gunfire ensued and four policemen ended up being wounded. A government official blamed AAH for the abduction. This was just one of many kidnappings, which have escalated throughout this year. While rogue elements might have been responsible for this act, it could have been one of many illegal activities AAH was involved in to raise funds for itself, something militias have been involved in before.

Since its inception in 2006 Asaib Ahl Al-Haq has increased its standing. It started off as one of many breakaway factions from the Sadr Trend. What set it apart was that its leadership was made up of many prominent students of Ayatollah Sadiq al-Sadr and Mahdi Army commanders. It also gained Iranian backing because they shared a mutual interest in driving the Americans out of Iraq. It continued to work as an Iranian proxy when it sent troops to fight in Syria. At the same time, it moved into Iraqi politics gaining an early and powerful ally in Prime Minister Maliki. Today AAH claims to be a protector of the nation and the Shiite community against the insurgency, while politicians praise its activities, and it is routinely featured in the Iraqi media. That has led supporters to overlook its allegiance to Iran and sectarian attacks, and see it as a nationalist force. This has all allowed Qais Khazali to finally acquire the position he has always wanted, to be at the table of the Iraqi elite.

FOOTNOTES

1. Cole, Juan, “The United States and Shi’ite Religious Factions in Post-Ba’thist Iraq,” Middle East Journal, Autumn 2003

2. Al Akhbar News, “Iraq: Qais al-Khazali: In the shadows of resistance,” 1/21/12

3. Fayad, Ma’ad, “Iraq: Notorious Shiite Warlord Returns to Baghdad,” Asharq Al-Awsat, 8/18/10

4. Sotaliraq, “League of the Righteous in Iraq, giving their followers the amount of two million dinars for every military operation, and news on the financing of Iranian,” 6/22/11

5. Alsumaria, “Iraq Minister: League of the Righteous willing to engage in national reconciliation,” 5/25/11

6. Radio Nawa, “Qassim Atta: League of the Righteous, and Al Qaeda were responsible for the death in Baghdad,” 7/29/11

7. Alsumaria, “Asaib Ahl Al Haw group suspended talks with Iraq’s Government,” 2/5/10

8. Alsumaria, “Iraq Minister: League of the Righteous willing to engage in national reconciliation,” 5/25/11

9. Shafaq News, “Source: Asaib alhel al – Haq intensify their presence in Damascus to protect Zeinab shrine,” 7/26/12

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- “Overt Shi’a Militia Mobilization in Mixed Areas,” 4/17/14

Iraq Times, “Al-Asaib militia “Righteous People” to officially join Maliki’s coalition in the next election,” 12/29/13

Iraq, Ali Abu and Van Heuvelen, Ben, “Basra security continues to decline,” Iraq Oil Report, 10/25/14

Jabar, Faleh, The Shi’ite Movement in Iraq, London: SAQI Books, 2003

Jakes, Lara, “Shiite militias step up Iraq attacks on US troops,” Associated Press, 6/30/11

Kagan, Frederick, Majidyar, Ahmad, Pletka, Danielle, Sullivan, Marisa Cochrane, “Iranian Influence In The Levant, Egypt, Iraq, And Afghanistan,” American Enterprise Institute and the Institute for the Study of War, May 2012

Karim, Ammar, “Baghdad shootout points to growing militia threat,” Agence France Presse, 10/21/14

Knights, Michael, “Analysis: Iraq’s never-ending security crisis,” BBC, 10/3/13
- “The Evolution of Iran’s Special Groups in Iraq,” CTC Sentinel, November 2010
- “Iran’s Foreign Legion: The Role of Iraqi Shiite Militias in Syria,” Washington Institute for Near East Studies, 6/27/13

Lake, Eli, “EXCLUSIVE: Iraqi official’s top aide linked to Shi’ite terrorists,” Washington Times, 8/28/09

Lewis, Jessica, Ali, Ahmed, and Kagan, Kimberly, “Iraq’s sectarian crisis reignites as Shi’a militias execute civilians and remobilize,” Institute for the Study of War, 5/31/13

Londono, Ernesto and Fadel, Leila, “U.S. failure to neutralize Shiite militia in Iraq threatens to snarl pullout,” Washington Post, 3/4/10

Al Mada, “3 Baghdadi neighborhoods witnessing armed clashes between “known militias,”” 12/1/13
- “An armed group attacked a hospital in Sadr City and infringe on the emergency department physicians,” 1/29/13
- “Sadr accused “the people of falsehood” of trying to assassinate al-Araji, and declared three days of mourning,” 6/3/13
- “Tensions between the Sadrists and Asaib worry neighborhoods of Baghdad and al-Khazali and clings to the truce,” 6/11/13

Mahmood, Mona, O’Kane, Maggie, Grandjean, Guy, “Why Iran’s kidnap squad struck,” Guardian, 12/31/09

Mandee, Samira Ali and Bezhan, Frud, “Iraqi Militias Make Comeback Amid Surging Sectarian Violence,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 6/20/13

Al Masalah, “”League of the Righteous” declares its readiness to defend Iraq and sanctuaries and calls for politicians to unite and support the security forces,” 6/11/14

Mohammed, Abeer, “Maliki’s Chess Game,” Institute of War & Peace Reporting, 9/10/09

Morris, Loveday, “Iraqi army increasingly bolstered by Shiite militias as ISIS advances,” Washington Post, 6/20/14
- “Shiite militias in Iraq begin to remobilize,” Washington Post, 2/9/14

Multi-National Division-B, “(Enemy Action) Indirect Fire RPT (Rocket) JASG-C, JDOC : 0 INJ/DAM,” U.S. Military, 12/31/09

Muayed, Ahmed, “tricked into joining terror group: how militias are recruiting iraqi youth,” Niqash, 8/22/13

Naame Shaam, “Iran in Syria From an Ally of the Regime to an Occupying Force,” September 2014

Naji, Jamal, “Abadi shakes up military leadership after Anbar massacre,” Iraq Oil Report, 9/24/14

Najm, Haider, “café clashes: Baghdad conservatives try to close ‘immoral’ coffee shops,” Niqash, 7/25/13

National Iraqi News Agency, “Ahl Al-Haq denies links to fake checkpoints, demanding the Govt to take firm and strict action,” 5/26/13
- “Sadr condemns clashes between his supporters and / Ahlil-Haq militia/in Baghdad,” 6/3/13

New Sabah, “”The people of the right to” reveal the details turned into a brawl and shooting deaths,” 6/9/13
- “Sadr solemn assembly a “threat” addressed to the Government,” 8/6/13
- “Struggle for influence a prominent feature of the relationship between the two factions,” 9/29/13

Nordland, Rod, “Iraqi Group Renounces Violence,” New York Times, 8/4/09

Nordland, Rod and Dagher, Sam, “U.S. Will Release More Members of an Iraqi Militia,” New York Times, 8/18/09

Now, “Talking to a Hezbollah fighter in Syria,” 2/24/14

Parker, Ned, Rasheed, Ahmed and Salman, Raheem, “Before Iraq polls, Shiite militias unleashed war on Sunni insurgents,” Reuters, 4/29/14
- “Sectarian strife threatens Iraq ahead of election,” Reuters, 4/27/14

Parker, Ned and Salman, Raheem, “In defense of Baghdad, Iraq turns to Shi’ite militias,” Reuters, 6/14/14

Prothero, Mitchell, “Iraqi commandos and Shiite militias battling to retake Tikrit,” McClatchy Newspapers, 6/27/14

Radio Nawa, “Hezbollah Brigades and the League of the Righteous Andon today under the banner of national reconciliation,” 12/24/11
- “Qassim Atta: League of the Righteous, and Al Qaeda were responsible for the death in Baghdad,” 7/29/11

Ramzi, Kholoud, “mahdi army vs league of righteous: fears that fresh violence between shiites could spread,” Niqash, 7/14/11

Roads To Iraq, “Asaib Al-Haq: We still have a British and an American hostages,” 2/2/10
- “Leader of “Asaib” militia not released yet,” 1/6/10

Roggio, Bill, “New Special Groups splinter emerges on Iraqi scene,” Long War Journal, 8/20/08

Rosen, Armin, “Iraq Official Says Iran’s Military Mastermind Is In Charge,” Business Insider, 6/18/14

Rubin, Alissa and Gordon, Michael, “U.S. Frees Suspect in Killing of 5 G.I.’s,” New York Times, 6/9/09

Sadah, Ali Abel, “Sadr Gives Maliki ‘Final Warning,’” Al-Monitor, 5/29/13
- “Sadr Reconsiders Political Role, Mahdi Army,” Al-Monitor, 8/28/13

Al-Salhy, Suadad, “Iraq Shi’ite militia says U.S. has ‘failed,’ pledges to lay down arms in wake of Sunni bombings,” Reuters, 1/5/12
- “Iraqi Shi’ite militants fight for Syria’s Assad,” Reuters, 10/16/12

Al-Salhy, Suadad, and Westall, Sylvia, “Insight: Iraqis hesitate on the edge of chaos,” Reuters, 9/19/13

Schreck, Adam and Abdul-Zahra, Qassim, “In Iraq, militia’s shift could bolster Iran’s hand,” Associated Press, 1/6/12

Semple, Kirk, “40 Are Killed in Attacks Targeting Shiites in Iraq,” New York Times, 10/20/14

Sengupta, Kim, “Britain backs prisoners release to free three hostages,” Independent, 6/23/09

Shafaq News, “Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq leader threatens to strike Kurdish interests,” 6/15/14
- “Source: Asaib alhel al – Haq intensify their presence in Damascus to protect Zeinab shrine,” 7/26/12

Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, “Al-Sadr fled to Iran due to assassination fears,” 1/26/11

Al-Shibeeb, Dina, “More militias disband their arms in Iraq,” Al Arabiya, 4/28/11

Sly, Liz, “Iranian-backed militant group in Iraq is recasting itself as a political player,” Washington Post, 2/18/13

Sly, Liz and Hauslohner, Abigail, “Shiite militia seizes control of Iraqi town, slowing ISIS drive toward Baghdad,” Washington Post, 6/14/14

Smyth, Phillip, “All the Ayatollah’s Men,” Foreign Policy, 9/18/14
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: The Badr Organization’s Syrian Expeditionary Force: Quwet al-Shahid Muhammed Baqir al-Sadr,” Jihadology, 10/18/13
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Roundup of Iraqis Killed in Syria, Part 1,” Jihadology, 5/11/13
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Roundup of Iraqis Killed in Syria, Part 2,” Jihadology, 5/17/13
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Saraya al-Dafa’ al-Sha’bi: Kata’ib Hizballah’s New Force in Iraq,” Jihadology, 6/9/14
- “Iranian Proxies Step Up Their Role in Iraq,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 6/13/14
- “Selling Sectarianism: Shia Islamist Groups & Maliki’s Anbar Offensive,” Hizballah Cavalcade, 2/3/14

Sotaliraq, “Jurf al-Sakhr front forgotten war in Iraq and the suffering of new entrants of Asaib Ahl Al-Haq,” 5/30/14
- “League of the Righteous in Iraq, giving their followers the amount of two million dinars for every military operation, and news on the financing of Iranian,” 6/22/11

Sullivan, Marisa Cochrane, “Iraq’s Parliamentary Election,” Institute for the Study of War, 10/21/09

Al-Tamimi, Aymenn Jawad, “Iraq: Who are Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq Islamists?” Islamist Gate, 3/6/14

Al-Tamimi, Aymenn Jawad and Spyer, Jonathan, “Iraq’s Shi’a Militias and Iran,” The Tower, December 2014

Tu’mah, Abd-al-Wahid, “One British hostage set to be released in Iraq, ‘before the end of the week’ – paper,” BBC Monitoring International Reports, 7/8/09

Ur News, “League of the Righteous to defeat al-Maliki, the Sadrists,” 12/24/13
- “War fires between Asaib and the Sadrists,” 7/4/13

Waleed, Khaled, “weapons for words: extremists enter politics, threaten govt power balance,” Niqash, 1/26/12

Wyer, Sam, “The Resurgence of Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq,” Institute for the Study of War, December 2012

Zahra, Hassan Abdul, “Iraq’s Sadr in war of words with splinter group,” Agence France Presse, 12/18/10
- “Iraqi Shiite militia ‘ready to lay down arms,’” Agence France Presse, 12/26/11

Zucchino, David, “In Iraq, Shiite militias are both friend and foe,” Los Angeles Times, 10/30/14


Monday, December 29, 2014

Fifth Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force Member Dies In Iraq


Iran is heavily involved in the fighting in Iraq. Tehran is largely behind Baghdad’s defense strategy providing weapons, equipment, planning, air power, and hundreds of advisers. This has cost it not only money, but also lives. At the end of December a brigadier general in the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps Quds Force (IRGC-QF) was killed in Salahaddin, marking at least the fifth loss for Tehran in Iraq.

Gen Taqavi (left) advising Iraqi forces from Iranian video (via The Arkenstone)

On December 28, 2014 the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps Quds Force (IRGC-QF) acknowledged the death of one of its generals in Iraq. It announced that Brigadier General Hamid Taqavi died in Salahaddin. UPI reported an Islamic State sniper killed him, while the IRGC said he died in Samarra protecting the Hasan al-Askari shrine there. Taqavi was in the country as an adviser and trainer to the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) and militias. According to Twitter he actually passed away in Balad, which is roughly 25 miles to the south of Samarra. That area is the focus of an on going security operation to secure supply and communication routes between central Salahaddin and Baghdad. The IRGC claim that he died in Samarra follows Tehran’s propaganda campaign that it is defending the sacred sites in Iraq from Sunni extremists, much like its line in Syria is about protecting the Sayid Zainab shrine outside Damascus.

Ali Reza Moshajari of the IRGC might have been the first Iranian killed during the current fighting in Iraq in June 2014 (Hizballah Cavalcade)

Funeral for IRGC-QF pilot Col Mourjani in Iran, July 2014 (AFP)

Taqavi was the fifth reported IRGC member killed in Iraq this year. On June 16 IRGC member Ali Reza Moshajari reportedly passed away in an accident in Karbala. That might have been a cover story as his friends claimed he was the first Iranian martyr in Iraq. That same month, IRGC Colonel Kamal Shirkhani died in a mortar attack in Samarra. According to Reuters, one other IRGC member died in Iraq in the middle of June. Finally, on July 4, a funeral was held for Colonel Shojaat Almdari Mourjani who was a pilot in the IRGC air force who also died in Salahaddin. He was likely serving as a forward air controller for Iranian air strikes. Many more Iranians have likely died in Iraq as well. For instance, Bas News reported in September that 30 Iranian soldiers were killed in fighting alongside the peshmerga to retake Jalawla and Sadiya in Diyala that month. When Mosul fell Iranian President Hassan Rouhani said that Tehran would come to the aid of Iraq. That led to a security agreement with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki whereby Iran would provide military material, training, and air assets. The Quds Force took the lead in that effort with anywhere from 150 to 1,500 advisers entering Iraq in the middle of June. Today that latter number might have more than doubled. They were led by IRGC-QF commander General Qasim Suleimani who immediately went to Baghdad to help coordinating and plan security policy. In December Prime Minister Haider Abadi acknowledged the presence of Iranian advisers in Iraq. With this large commitment it was inevitable that the Quds Force would suffer casualties in Iraq.

The passing of General Taqavi was not the first and will not be the last loss Iran suffers in Iraq. The war is going to be a long one, and Tehran is committed to the fight. It not only wants to prevent the spread of the Islamic State, but sees its presence along the Iranian border as a threat to itself. It also believes this as a perfect opportunity to expand its influence within the Iraqi state by becoming its main patron. It has therefore become the leading military power in the country not only providing equipment but drawing up most of Baghdad’s strategy as well. This involves deploying hundreds if not thousands of IRGC-QF personnel along the frontlines, placing themselves in harms way, which was how Taqavi and the others have died.

SOURCES

Associated Press, “Iranian commanders on front line of Iraq’s fight,” 7/17/14

Bas News, “Iran Continues to Play Large Role in Fighting Alongside Peshmerga,” 9/4/14

Dehghanpisheh, Babak, “Iran’s elite Guards fighting in Iraq to push back Islamic State,” Reuters, 8/3/14

Fassihi, Farnaz, “Iran Deploys Forces to Fight al Qaeda-Inspired Militants in Iraq,” Wall Street Journal, 6/12/14

Al Forat, “Iran considers security of Iraq as part of its security,” 12/27/14

Gordon, Michael and Schmitt, Eric, “Iran Secretly Sending Drones and Supplies Into Iraq, U.S. Officials Say,” New York Times, 6/25/14

Hathalyoum, “A source in the Defense: 3 thousand elements of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards fighting in Iraq,” 11/18/14

Islam Memo, “Additional 1,500 Iranian troops to fight Daash in Iraq,” 9/22/14

Nadimi, Farzin, “Iran’s Expanding Military Role in Iraq,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 9/8/14

Naharanet Newsdesk, “Iranian Pilot Killed Fighting in Iraq,” 7/5/14

Press TV, “Iran general killed during battle against ISIL in Iraq,” 12/28/14

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, “Iran IRGC’s First ‘Martyr Versus ISIL?’” 6/16/14

Al-Salhy, Suadad, “Iran advisers boost anti-ISIL battles in Iraq,” Al Jazeera, 12/14/14

Shariyan, “Haji Hamid martyred,” 12/28/14

Tomlinson, Hugh, “Iran’s special forces rush in to help floundering ally,” Times of London, 6/11/14

UPI, “Iranian general killed by Islamic State sniper in Samarra, Iraq,” 12/28/14

Saturday, December 27, 2014

Musings On Iraq In The News


My article on Kataib Hezbollah was reprinted by Business Insider, and I was cited in "Coalition Airstrike Destroy A Massive ISIS Truck Bomb in Iraq" by Armin Rosen in that same publication. I was also cited in "Australia In America's Third Iraq War" by Richard Tanter for Global Research. I was quoted in Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's "What's Next For Islamic State?"

Wednesday, December 24, 2014

Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Brigade From Fighting In Syria To Iraq


In April 2013 there were reports of young Iraqis being recruited to fight in Syria. Many were joining a new militia called Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Brigade. They would sign up in Iraq and then travel to Iran for training before being shipped off to Syria. The reason given for the group’s involvement in Syria was to protect the Shiite shrine of Sayid Zainab in the Damascus suburbs, but it was really one of a number of armed groups organized by Iran to defend the government of Bashar al-Assad. It is now doing the same in Iraq defending the Baghdad government.

(Syrian Revolution)

The Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Brigade was created by Iran to organize Shiite fighters for the conflict in Syria. In 2012 the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps – Quds Force (IRGC-QF) put together the Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Brigade using members of Asaib Ahl Al-Haq, Kataib Hezbollah, former members of the Mahdi Army, the Shuhada Brigade, along with Lebanese Hezbollah elements. The official reason why the militia was formed was to defend the Shiite shrine of Sayid Zainab in the Damascus suburbs, but in fact it was part of a plan by Quds Force commander General Qasim Suleimani to defend the Bashar al-Assad government. That was proven by the fact that Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas has been deployed to places like Aleppo, which is far to the north of Damascus, and by testimony of one of its fighters who was told upon arrival in Syria that he was there to protect the Syrian regime not just the shrine. Many of the militiamen were taken to Tehran for training, and Iranian advisers accompanied them into the field as well. Sheikh Qasim al-Tai, a former Sadrist who has now pledged allegiance to Iran and vilyat al-faqih is one of the militia’s leaders. Iran was determined to keep its ally the Assad government in power when protests started. It quickly organized Syrians, and then Lebanese and Iraqis into militias to keep the regime in power. In doing so it also ended up taking over much of the military policy in the country, as Damascus became dependent upon its support.

Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas fighters in Damascus (Syrian Revolution)

While in Syria the militias has deployed alongside the Syria army against the rebels, and taken part in at least one massacre. On October 8, 2013 government forces began shelling the town of Thyabeya outside Damascus with tanks and artillery along with air strikes. Militiamen from Lebanese Hezbollah and the Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Brigade then moved into the town and executed civilians. The Syrian war has been marked by many such brutal events, as the country has broken apart into warring factions.

When the insurgency began taking off in early 2014 in Iraq, Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas began deploying there as well, again under Iranian direction. In March 2014, the militia posted on Facebook that it was operating in Iraq. In June it had video of its forces patrolling in Baghdad, and then after the fall of Mosul that month 1,500 of its fighters were sent to Samarra to defend the city. The next month it was involved in a security operation in Babil’s Jurf al-Sakhr. It also created a new organization Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas Tashkil al-Iraq marking its new emphasis upon that country. Just like Syria Iranian advisers provided supplies, intelligence, air cover, and coordination with other militias and the Iraqi Security Forces for the group. Tehran was repeating the same policy it used in Syria to face the new threat in Iraq. It deployed its militia allies to defend Baghdad against rebels, put its men out into the field to assist these groups, and delivered arms and ammunition to make the sure the government does not fall, while greatly expanding its power within the state.

Iran has always wanted to influence its neighbor Iraq, and the insurgent surge in the summer has provided it with one of its greatest opportunities to do so. Iranian backed militias now make up half or more of Baghdad’s forces, and they have been in the forefront of almost every major victory against the militants. Abu Fadhl Al-Abbas was prepared for this role through its experience in Syria where it was created by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard to defend the regime there. Now it and Iran are trying to repeat that same strategy in Iraq with great success as the government just like the one in Syria is dependent upon Iran and its allies.

SOURCES

Buratha News, “Al Bhan and Arab in Jurf al-Sakhar cleared of Daash rats,” 7/11/14
- “The killing of Mufti of Jurf al-Sakhr Musab al-Owaisi with 70 other terrorists in violent clashes in the north of Babylon province,” 7/13/14

Fulton, Will, Holliday, Joseph & Wyer, Sam, “Iranian Strategy In Syria,” AEI’s Critical Threats Project & Institute for the Study of War, May 2013

Karouny, Mariam, “Shi’ite fighters rally to defend Damascus shrine,” Reuters, 3/3/13

Knights, Michael, “Iran’s Foreign Legion: The Role of Iraqi Shiite Militias in Syria,” Washington Institute for Near East Studies, 6/27/13

Middle East Eye, “Iranian commanders played crucial role fighting IS: Iraqi officials,” 12/14/14

Naame Shaam, “Iran in Syria From an Ally of the Regime to an Occupying Force,” September 2014

Now, “Talking to a Hezbollah fighter in Syria,” 2/24/14

Al-Qaisi, Mohammed, “Iran ‘directly involved; in recruiting Iraqis to fight in Syria: officials,” Al Shorfa, 4/24/13

Al-Salhy, Suadad, “Iran advisers boost anti-ISIL battles in Iraq,” Al Jazeera, 12/14/14

Smyth, Phillip, “All the Ayatollah’s Men,” Foreign Policy, 9/18/14
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Breaking Badr: Is Iraq’s Badr Organization Operating In Syria?” Jihadology, 6/25/13
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: From Najaf to Damascus and Onto Baghdad: Iraq’s Liwa Abu Fadhl al-Abbas,” Hizballah Cavalcade, 6/18/14
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Liwa’a ‘Ammar Ibn Yasir: A New Shia Militia Operating In Aleppo, Syria,” Jihadology, 7/20/13
- “Hizballah Cavalcade: Roundup of Iraqis Killed in Syria, Part 2,” Jihadology, 5/17/13
- “Iranian Proxies Step Up Their Role in Iraq,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 6/13/14

Al-Tamimi, Aymenn Jawad and Spyer, Jonathan, “Iraq’s Shi’a Militias and Iran,” The Tower, December 2014

Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Violence And Casualties Remain At Low Level In Iraq 3rd Week of December 2014


Violence in Iraq has remained relatively stable for the last six weeks. Attacks have remained between 120-130 a week with one exception, while the number of dead and wounded have steadily declined. This is a result of the insurgency being put on the defensive and regrouping in many parts of the country. One sign of this change is that there have been fewer and fewer car bombs launched in Iraq. Anbar and Salahaddin are the exceptions with militants continuing to carry out major offensives there. This is a dramatic change from the first half of the year when insurgents had the initiative and were carrying out missions up and down the length of the country.

From December 15-21, 2014 there were 133 reported attacks. That was down from 156 the week before, but in line with the previous four full weeks when there were 137 from December 1-7, 138 from November 22-28, 134 from November 15-21, and 128 from November 8-14. During that period there has been an average of 19.6 attacks per day. That compared to June and July when there was an average of 30.1 incidents. Attacks have been going down since August and now have hit some of the lowest numbers seen during the year, which points to the changing security situation within Iraq. At the start of the year militants were ramping up their operations to prepare for a big summer push. Since then they have only had a few big gains, while steadily losing ground. Coalition air strikes have also been concentrated in certain areas limiting insurgent mobility.

For the third week of December there were 377 killed and 340 wounded. The former was made up of 20 members of the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) and 357 civilians, while the latter consisted of 32 ISF, 24 peshmerga, and 284 civilians. Baghdad led the way with 159 dead and 192 injured for the week, followed by 77 killed and 24 wounded in Ninewa, and 68 fatalities and 50 injured in Salahaddin. Just like attacks the number of fatalities has been steadily dropping since the summer. For December there has been an average of 44.4 people killed per day. That’s down from 56.2 per day in November, 75.7 per day in October, 72.5 in September, 91.4 in August, 74.1 in July, and 139.0 in June. In Total, Musings On Iraq has counted 9,957 attacks, 23,906 deaths, and 36,928 wounded in 2014.

Violence In Iraq By Week 2014
Date
Incidents
Dead
Wounded
Jan 1-7
244
363
733
Jan 8-14
272
364
676
Jan 15-21
205
358
616
Jan 22-28
236
305
618
Jan 29-31
57
93
237
JAN
1,014
1,483
2,890
Feb 1-7
211
306
706
Feb 8-14
229
258
505
Feb 15-21
264
347
703
Feb 22-28
251
374
617
FEB
955
1,285
2,531
Mar 1-7
252
412
702
Mar 8-14
205
323
610
Mar 15-21
216
423
736
Mar 22-27
211
279
580
Mar 28-31
108
169
261
MAR
992
1,606
2,889
Apr 1-7
238
259
550
Apr 8-14
224
362
646
Apr 15-21
241
406
805
Apr 22-28
226
347
744
Apr 29-30
61
82
179
APR
990
1,456
2,924
May 1-7
198
246
483
May 8-14
257
466
752
May 15-21
183
256
426
May 22-28
203
403
810
May 29-31
64
91
131
MAY
905
1,462
2,602
Jun 1-7
228
612
1,020
Jun 8-14
234
1,889
890
Jun 15-21
179
803
759
Jun 22-28
203
733
777
Jun 29-30
59
127
236
JUN
901
4,172
3,701
Jul 1-7
203
526
651
Jul 8-14
214
577
628
Jul 15-21
230
444
1,009
Jul 22-28
224
589
801
Jul 29-31
66
163
230
JUL
937
2,299
3,319
Aug 1-8
269
1,122
885
Aug 9-14
179
710
1,152
Aug 15-21
150
354
499
Aug 22-28
156
523
798
Aug 29-31
59
125
289
AUG
813
2,834
3,623
Sep 1-7
168
616
751
Sep 8-14
156
433
722
Sep 15-21
166
620
749
Sep 22-28
153
395
573
Sep 29-30
47
112
252
SEP
690
2,176
3,047
Oct 1-7
170
451
687
Oct 8-14
188
532
875
Oct 15-21
156
449
770
Oct 22-28
159
345
592 + 1,230
Oct 29-31
68
570
227
OCT
741
2,347
3,151 + 1,230
Nov 1-7
153
601
828
Nov 8-14
128
420
593
Nov 15-21
134
283
464
Nov 22-28
138
321
640
Nov 29-30
40
62
123
NOV
593
1,687
2,648
Dec 1-7
137
323
476
Dec 8-14
156
233 + 166
444 + 1,113
Dec 15-21
133
377
340
2014
9,957
23,906
36,928

Violence In Iraq By Province Dec 2014
Province
Dec 1-7
Dec. 8-14
Anbar
19 Incidents
84 Killed: 16 ISF, 68 Civilians
58 Wounded: 6 ISF, 52 Civilians
11 Shootings
1 IED
38 Incidents
79 Killed: 28 ISF, 51 Civilians
146 Wounded: 28 ISF, 118 Civilians
22 Shootings
1 IED
3 Mortar
5 Suicide Car Bombs
1 Car Bomb
Babil
5 Incidents
6 Killed: 2 ISF, 4 Civilians
20 Wounded: 4 ISF, 16 Civilians
4 IEDs
1 Car Bomb
2 Incidents
3 Killed: 1 ISF, 2 Civilians
10 Wounded: 2 ISF, 8 Civilians
2 IEDs
Baghdad
44 Incidents
97 Killed: 97 Civilians
262 Wounded: 7 ISF, 255 Civilians
11 Shootings
25 IEDs
1 Mortar
5 Sticky Bombs
2 Car Bombs
38 Incidents
49 Killed: 2 ISF, 47 Civilians
135 Wounded: 16 ISF, 119 Civilians
11 Shootings
18 IEDs
4 Stick Bombs
1 Mortar
3 Rockets
Basra
1 Incident
2 Stun Bombs
1 Incident
Diyala
8 Incidents
8 Killed: 2 Peshmerga, 6 Civilians
10 Wounded: 6 ISF, 4 Civilians
6 Shootings
2 IEDs
18 Incidents
18 Killed: 3 ISF, 1 Sahwa, 1 Peshmerga, 13 Civilians
28 Wounded: 1 ISF, 2 Peshmerga, 25 Civilians
6 Shootings
1 IED
1 Suicide Bomber
3 Mortar
Kirkuk
6 Incidents
18 Killed: 18 Civilians
22 Wounded: 22 Civilians
1 Shooting
3 Mortar
1 Suicide Car Bomb
9 Incidents
7 Killed: 7 Civilians
12 Wounded: 12 Civilians
3 Shootings
50 IEDs
1 Sticky Bomb
1 Mortar
Ninewa
13 Incidents
15 Killed: 1 ISF, 4 Peshmerga, 10 Civilians
6 Shootings
6 IEDs
8 Incidents
7 Killed: 2 ISF, 5 Civilians
5 Wounded: 1 Peshmerga, 4 Civilians
3 Shootings
4 IEDs
Salahaddin
41 Incidents
95 Killed: 22 ISF, 1 Sahwa, 72 Civilians
104 Wounded: 4 ISF, 100 Civilians
24 Shootings
31 IEDs
3 Mortar
1 Suicide Bomber
1 Suicide Car Bomb
40 Incidents
69 Killed: 20 ISF, 49 Civilians
104 Wounded: 25 ISF, 79 Civilians
18 Shootings
11 IEDs
10 Mortar
3 Rockets
2 Suicide Car Bombs
Province
Dec 15-21

Anbar
22 Incidents
38 Killed: 5 ISF, 33 Civilians
28 Wounded: 5 ISF, 23 Civilians
18 Shootings

Babil
8 Incidents
22 Killed: 22 Civilians
27 Wounded: 2 ISF, 25 Civilians
2 Shootings
3 IEDs
1 Sticky Bomb
1 Car Bob
1 Mortar

Baghdad
51 Incidents
159 Killed: 8 ISF, 151 Civilians
192 Wounded: 18 ISF, 174 Civilians
14 Shootings
24 IEDs
5 Sticky Bombs
1 Car Bomb
2 Mortar
1 Rocket
1 Grenade

Basra
1 Incident
1 Wounded: 1 Civilian
1 Shooting

Diyala
10 Incidents
12 Killed: 3 ISF, 9 Civilians
18 Wounded: 1 ISF, 17 Civilians
6 Shootings
2 IEDs
3 Mortar

Kirkuk
3 Incidents
1 Killed: 1 Civilian
1 IED

Ninewa
7 Incidents
77 Killed: 77 Civilians
24 Wounded: 24 Peshmerga
5 Shootings
3 IEDs
1 Car Bomb

Salahaddin
31 Incidents
68 Killed: 4 ISF, 64 Civilians
50 Wounded: 6 ISF, 44 Civilians
19 Shootings
63 IEDs
1 Suicide Bomber
1 Suicide Car Bomb
1 Mortar


Car Bomb Attacks In Iraq Dec 2014
Date
Location
Dead
Wounded
Dec 1



Dec 2
Mahmudiya, Babil

1
Dec 3



Dec 4
Shaab & Sadr City, Baghdad
Shorja, Kirkuk
39
97
Dec 5



Dec 6



Dec 7
Salman, Salahaddin
9
17
1st Wk Totals
5
48
115
Dec 8



Dec 9
Nikhaib, Anbar


Dec 10
Ramadi, Anbar
1
1
Dec 11
Ramadi, Anbar
Dijla & Mutasim, Salahaddin
12
25
Dec 12



Dec 13
Haditha & Ramadi, Anbar
15
33
Dec 14



2nd Wk Totals
7
28
59
Dec 15



Dec 16



Dec 17



Dec 18
Mahmuidya, Babil
Husseiniya, Baghdad
10
25
Dec 19
Samarra, Salahaddin
2
5
Dec 20



Dec 21
Makhmour, Ninewa

4
3rd Wk Totals
4
12
34

There has been a decided decline in the number of vehicle borne improvised explosive devices (VBIEDs) deployed by the Islamic State (IS) in December. There were five the first week of the month, seven the second week, and four in the third. In comparison there were 59 in November and 74 in October. Another difference from previous months is that there has only been one car bomb wave in December from December 9 to 11. Before that there was a VBIED wave every week. IS has plenty of explosives from all the stocks it captured during the summer, so supply is not an issue. Rather it appears that it has lost some of its long time bases such as Jurf a-Sakhr, which might have disrupted its networks and hence led to the current drop.

One place where the insurgents are still on the offensive is in Anbar. Attacks there for the week have been concentrated on three major cities. First Baghdadi and Al-Assad Air Base next by were relentlessly assaulted throughout the week. On December 14, the ISF claimed it had broken the siege there, but there was no let up in fighting. The next day for instance, IS came in from three sides and moved into parts of the town, but were stopped by coalition air strikes. Radio Free Iraq also said that in fact the town was still surrounded despite the announcement the day before. December 20 four villages in the area were cleared however. There were also battles in Ramadi from December 15-19. Next, there were three attempts upon Haditha, which is home to a major dam that IS has focused upon for quite some time now. Sheikh Gazi al-Jigaifi was quoted in Iraq Oil Report as saying that IS had brought in fighters from the Syrian border region and heavy weapons to make another attempt on the city. Finally, on December 15, IS surrounded 5,000 Federal Police and tribal fighters in Wafa near Ramadi. They were eventually forced to withdraw from the town when they ran out of ammunition. This was used as another example by local sheikhs of how Baghdad has been neglecting them by not sending them weapons and supplies they have continuously asked for to battle militants. These claims were supported by the security committee in parliament, which said that the pro-government forces were only capable of defensive operations in the province due to a lack of equipment. December 21, the ISF and tribes retook Wafa showing the back and forth nature of much of the conflict in the province. On the other hand, the long awaited government offensive to retake Hit began on December 11, but has shown no real progress so far. Overall, Anbar is not a priority for Baghdad right now. It is much more concerned with places like Salahaddin, and has sent much of its men and material there rather than to the west. The reasons are many. First, Anbar is overwhelmingly Sunni, and having a combination of ISF and militias retake towns there as has happened in other parts of the country would be much more difficult to swallow by locals although Shiite armed groups have been active there since January. Second, many of the tribes now fighting the Islamic State were with the insurgency earlier in the year. The Albu Nimr for instance, which saw hundreds of its members executed by IS recently was fighting the government back in January, but switched sides when the Islamists became the dominant force in the governorate. That has made the government weary of giving the sheikhs the guns that they have requested out of fear that they might be turned back on the center sometime in the future.

During the week Reuters ran an interesting piece documenting the government, militias, and insurgents’ attempts at the sectarian cleansing of the Baghdad belts area. It quoted a deputy commander in the ISF in Abu Ghraib in western Baghdad province who said that everyone in the area was considered a member of IS. As a result of this attitude the ISF was shelling and bombing towns, while militias were destroying homes to drive people out. The Islamic State has been no less relentless in blowing up houses of members of the security forces and tribes that oppose it. Combined these tactics have displaced approximately 83,000 people, mostly Sunni from the belts area according to the International Rescue Committee. This is a repeat of the previous civil war from 2005-2008 when insurgents, government forces and militias carried out a relentless war of sectarian cleansing throughout central Iraq.

Although the number of incidents in Diyala remains relatively low there is a concerted battle for control of the governorate. During the third week of December Muqtadiya in the center of the province was a continued target of militants who hit it with indirect fire from mortars for several days. IS also seized control of the Rose River, which threatens the water supply of Baladrooz and around 150,000 people. Previously, insurgents had taken control of several dams in a water war within Diyala. The eastern section of the governorate is said to be firmly under militant control. In response, the ISF launched an operation in Sensl and Arab Jabour on December 17, two long time insurgent bases. Militias were also trying to clear the road from Khalis in Diyala to Samarra in Salahaddin under the supervision of Badr leader Hadi Ameri who is a Diyala native. Shiite armed groups were also accused of kidnapping and assassinating two councilmen from Bani Saad who were tortured and found shot in the head. Violence is way down in the governorate from the beginning of the year, but these events showed that the conflict in the area was far from over.

The Kurdish peshmerga and Iraqi army continued to make major pushes in Ninewa. On December 17 the Kurds freed eight towns in the Zummar area with the support of coalition air strikes. This was the start of a peshmerga drive on Mount Sinjar, which had been surrounded by IS for weeks now. The next day they broke through to the mountain, and entered Sinjar itself on December 20. Not to be outdone, the Iraqi army began an attack upon Tal Afar in the far west of the province that day. Tal Afar is a strategic town along the Syrian border that has traditionally been used as a transit point for insurgents to move back and forth between the two countries. After these setbacks there were reports that IS executed several of its fighters for abandoning their posts, which has been matched by other stories of declining morale in Syria as well. Finally, in the aftermath of clearing parts of the Sinjar area Kurdish forces found a mass grave with 70 Yazidi bodies in it executed by the Islamists. These types of sites have been discovered throughout Iraq after militants have been pushed out, and more are going to be found in the future.

Pro- and anti-government forces have continued to go back and forth in Salahaddin. The ISF and militias launched an operation in Balad in the south on December 15. Balad is important to maintain supply routes between central Salahaddin and Baghdad. Insurgents on the other hand, were able to gain control of Baiji after the government claimed it was under its control. The ISF were forced to withdraw from the center of the town to the south, because they were running out of ammunition in the face of IS attacks. On December 20, the ISF moved back into the downtown area, but fighting was still on gong by the end of the week. Militants were also able to launch operations in places like Mutasim and Ishaqi. Members of the security forces have complained about the spread and extent of militant attacks in the province, which have stretched ISF resources. This is despite the insurgents having lost ground in the province.

SOURCES

Abdulrazaq, Hawar, “EXCLUSIVE Video… Peshmerga Closes in on Sinjar,” Bas News, 12/17/14

AIN, “35 ISIL terrorists killed southern Tikrit,” 12/18/14
- “Peshmerga liberates 3 towns of northwestern Mosul,” 12/17/14-

Alsumaria, “Security forces regain control of the main street in Baiji,” 12/20/14
- “Tamimi: Daash cut a major river in Baquba, believes the water serves more than 150 000 people,” 12/20/14
- “The withdrawal of security forces from the center of Baiji to the south,” 12/18/14

Bas News, “Peshmerga Launches Three-Pronged Attack on Sinjar,” 12/20/14

Bennett, Dalton, “Iraqi Kurds push into contested northern town,” Associated Press, 12/21/14

Al Forat, “4 areas liberated of ISIL in Samarra city,” 12/21/14
- “ISF declares liberating Albo-Sewof area of ISIL,” 12/16/14
- “ISF declares liberating Wafa’a area of ISIL,” 12/21/14
- "Scores of terrorists killed in west of Iraq," 12/15/14
- “Wide security operation conducted to liberate Balad district,” 12/15/14

Habib, Mustafa, “Low Supplies, Political Disputes In Anbar: Not Long Now Before Extremists Take Over,” Niqash, 12/18/14

Iraq Times, "Martyrdom and wounding seven police recruits by tank bomb explosion in Samarra," 12/19/14
- "Ten martyrs and injured toll car bomb explosion south of Baghdad," 12/18/14

Al Mada, “Popular crowd proceed with military campaign to link Diyala with Samarra sources confirm: the work is done under the supervision of Ameri,” 12/19/14
- “Security Committee: coalition will not break in Anbar…and volunteers waiting arms,” 12/21/14

Al Masalah, “Broad attack Iraqi forces to liberate the towns of Yathrib,” 12/19/14

Naji, Jamal and Van Heuvelen, Ben, “Anbar overwhelmed by insurgent attacks,” Iraq Oil Report, 12/18/14

NINA, “/4/ Villages near al-Bahgdadi western Anbar,” 12/20/14
- "/9/ Elements of the IS killed in clashes with security forces south of Tikrit," 12/14/14
- "/16/ Elements of the popular mobilization killed and wounded in clashes with the IS elements in Tekrit," 12/15/14
- “Daash surround a federal police regiment and mobilized fighters west of Ramadi,” 12/15/14
- “Four elements of Daash killed in northeast Baquba,” 12/17/14
- “Liberation of Aldolab county northwest of Heet,” 12/15/14
- “Peshmerga liberated /8/ villages south of Sinjar and closed a road to supply the IS,” 12/17/14
- “Security Force Lift The Siege On Baghdadi Area in Western Anbar,” 12/14/14

Parker, Ned and Rasheed, Ahmed, “Special Report: Inside Iraq’s ‘killing zones,’” Reuters, 12/17/14

Radio Free Iraq, “15 December 2014,” Daily Updates from Anbar, 12/15/14
- “16 December 2014,” Daily Updates from Anbar, 12/16/14
- “20 December 2014,” Daily Updates from Anbar, 12/20/14

Radio Nawa, "Discovery of a mass grave containing 70 bodies of executed Yazidis by Daash in Sinjar," 12/20/14

Al Rayy, “A joint force of the army and the Peshmerga waging a massive offensive on Tal Afar to recover it form Daash,” 12/20/14
- “Nine Daash members killed in security operation southeast of Fallujah,” 12/17/14
- “Salahuddin operations: security forces imposed control fully over all of Baiji,” 12/16/14

Reuters, “Two local Iraqi officials killed execution style after kidnap,” 12/16/14

Rudaw, "Car bomb near Makhmour front wounds four Peshmerga," 12/21/14
- “Kurdish official: ISIS executed own militants to stop more desertions,” 12/21/14
- “Peshmerga retake Sinune, tighten noose around ISIS,” 12/19/14

Sadiq, Hoshmand, “Peshmerga Forces Enter Sinjar Town,” Bas News, 12/20/14

Salaheddin, Sinan, "Iraq PM drops lawsuits against journalists," Associated Press, 12/18/14

Al-Salhy, Suadad, “Iraqi army to raid ISIL fighters’ ‘hub’,” Al Jazeera, 12/17/14

Shafaq News, "Fighting renewed in the liberated areas north of Tikrit," 12/15/14
- “Iraqi army and Peshmerga free villages of Tal Afar,” 12/21/14
- “Peshmarga liberate Tal al-Ward villages in Kirkuk after expelling ISIS terrorists,” 12/15/14
- “Seven villages south of Tikrit liberated , army moves slowly toward Yathrib center,” 12/21/14

Shafiq, Mohammed, “Brigade’s commander, Army free four areas and killed 30 Daash south of Tikrit,” Alsumaria, 12/20/14

Solomon, Erika, “Iraqi Kurds retake besieged Mt Sinjar,” Financial Times, 12/18/14
- “Isis morale falls as momentum slows and casualties mount,” Financial Times, 12/19/14

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