April 30, 2014 Iraqis head to the polls in the general
election. Iraq’s last few elections have all provided surprises, and this one
looks to be no different. In 2009, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s new State
of Law (SOL) party swept the south and Baghdad in the provincial elections
building upon his success against Moqtada al-Sadr’s Mahdi Army in Basra,
Maysan, and Baghdad, his military campaign against insurgents in Mosul, and
challenging the Kurds over the disputed territories the year before. The
Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) was the big loser as the voters punished
it for its poor performance after being the big winner in 2005. Then in 2010 it
appeared that Maliki would again have a big win, but was surpassed by one seat
by the Iraqi National Movement. Maliki had to resort to the courts to get a
ruling to allow him to put together a coalition after the voting instead of letting
the winner with the most ballots do it. He then played upon the divisions
within the INM, and the Kurdish parties’ fear of the INM to obtain a second
term. In the 2013 provincial level balloting it was State of Law that lost
seats for its lack of good governance. More importantly the Sadrists and
Supreme Council formed cross sectarian coalitions to shut SOL out of some new
local governments.
Most Iraq watchers now seem to believe that the prime
minister will get the most seats in parliament, and then go through a very long
process of negotiations that could drag out for up to a year, and ensure
himself another four years in office. The premier is hoping that his Shiite
base will come out for him out of fear of the growing insurgency, and give him
a plurality of votes. He will then be able to play upon the splits within the
Sunni parties to ally with Deputy Premier Salah al-Mutlaq. If that gives him
momentum the history of Iraqi politics is for the other parties to jump on
board to assure themselves positions within the new government.
An alternative scenario could play out however. Last year
ISCI was able to cut into Maliki’s base, and are hoping to repeat that again. It
has portrayed itself as a nationalist party that has the support of the
religious establishment in Najaf. The Sadrists’ Ahrar bloc believes that it can
maintain its alliance with the Supreme Council that it forged in the 2013 elections.
If they get anything near the number of seats of Maliki it will be a free for
all for to create the majority necessary for a new government. The two Shiite
religious parties could play upon the mutual hatred of the prime minister felt
by other lists such as Speaker Osama Nujafi’s Mutahidun and Kurdish President
Massoud Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) to counter SOL. In previous
years Maliki has been able to play off the differences of his opponents, but
this year their opposition to him could be strong enough to actually unite
them. This might give the prime minister a 50-50 chance to stay in power. The
problem is that it will be months before the actual winners are determined, and
in the meantime the status quo will remain. It should also be noted that if the
anti-Maliki factions prevail they will not be able to form a majority
government that does not include SOL. The courts are under the sway of Maliki
and he will likely turn to them to overturn any coalition that does not include
him.
A third possibility is that the government formation process
becomes so deadlocked that Maliki will give up the premiership, but demand that
SOL retain the position. That would require a new candidate within the list to
be found. Besides Higher Education Minister Ali al-Adeeb, who is a rival to
Maliki, the party lacks other prominent members. Then again, the prime minister
was a middling official in Dawa before he assumed the top spot in 2006, so
there is a precedent of someone emerging from the wings to assume power. Deputy
Premier Hussein Shahristani of the Independents could be another alternative as
well.
Last there is the role of outside powers. The Obama
administration appears to be trying to re-engage with Iraq due to the rising
violence. It will likely try to play a neutral role however, and just ensure
that the process is as fair as possible. That’s not true of the other players.
Turkey has gone back and forth on Maliki, but is allied with Mutahidun and the
KDP. It could push the two to work together over their opposition to the prime
minister. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States are against Maliki as well, but they
also oppose Shiite rule overall, which is a dead end given the ethnosectarian
quota system that the ruling parties believe in. That will limit their
influence. Finally, Iran might play a pivotal role. It may back Maliki to
maintain the status quo in Iraq, because it is more concerned about the
fighting in Syria right now. Then again, it could be angry with Maliki for
playing divide and conquer with the Kurdish and other Shiite parties that have
close ties to Tehran, which has led to political instability in Iraq. That
could be a game changer if it throws its weight behind the Supreme Council and
Sadrists during negotiations for a new government. Given these factors it
appears that Iraq’s 2014 elections will have many more uncertainties than
givens.