There is an ongoing debate within Iraq about whether the Pro-Iran Resistance factions should give into U.S. demands and disarm or not. While several groups have come out for and against the idea the real discussion is about what disarmament means and how it could be implemented.
The Trump administration is trying to wean Iraq away from Iran as part of its Maximum Pressure Campaign. Part of that effort is demanding that the Resistance disarm. This has been stated by various U.S. officials including the president’s new special envoy to Iraq Mark Savaya. If they don’t Washington has threatened sanctions, cutting aid and possible military strikes.
This demand has received a mixed response within Iraq. On December 20 several groups including Kataib Imam Ali, Asaib Ahl Al-Haq, Ansar Allah al-Awfiya, Kataib Sayid al-Shuhada said they were willing to disarm after the head of the Supreme Judicial Council Faiq Zidan called on the armed groups to put their weapons under the control of the state.
That same day the ruling Coordination Framework called on international mediators to help guarantee that these groups would not be attacked if they disarmed. This was in response to constant reports in the Iraqi media of threats against the Resistance.
On the other hand, Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba have rejected disarming. Asaib Ahl Al-Haq later joined them in being opposed to the idea. Al-Nujaba said giving up their weapons would expose Iraq to instability.
After that discussion switched to what disarmament means. For some that would be the Resistance turning over their weapons to the state. Others claim it would be integrating the groups into the Hashd al-Shaabi which is an official part of the Iraqi security forces. The Americans are demanding the former while many of the factions want the latter. That’s because they are already part of the Hashd. They could make some public statements about being under state control and following the government while privately not giving up their independence or armaments.
The National Context held up the Badr Brigade as an example of integration and how it could help the Resistance. Badr was the militia of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq. It disavowed being an armed group and said it was a political party and eventually became independent. It was able to take over the Interior Ministry and many of its commando units as a result. It now holds other positions in the government as well as maintaining a dominant position in Interior. That could be the model for the Resistance. By agreeing to be under state control it could actually open up the door for it to gain more power and legitimacy within the state.
This is the path that Asaib Ahl Al-Haq has been following in recent years. It has not taken part in attacks upon the U.S., Kurds or Israel like other factions of the Resistance and has focused upon politics instead. It finished tied for 3rd in the 2025 election and gained the 1st deputy speaker of parliament in the new government which is still being formed. This could be why it agreed to Zidan’s demand for the Resistance to come under state control while rejecting disarmament. It wants to keep its guns while claiming it is part of the Hashd and the government.
How the U.S. might respond to such a move is unknown. While Savaya has made a lot of statements about the Resistance lately how much the Trump administration is actually willing to do to back up its words is unknown. The Resistance is definitely worried which is why it is taking up the topic and moves like kidnapping the president of Venezuela and his wife is only increasing their paranoia of what Washington might do.
The next Iraqi prime minister will also play a leading role in this process. If Premier Mohammed Sudani retains his position he has expressed support for disarmament but could accept integration depending upon who backs him for a second term. His rival Nouri al-Maliki is close to Iran and would probably push for integration.
SOURCES
Al Alam, “Disarmament Divides Factions: Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq Disavows “Coordination Committee” Statement, Chooses to Surrender Weapons and Support the Army,” 1/6/26
- "Factions Respond to ‘Confining Weapons to the State’: A Maneuver or a Bow to the Storm?” 12/21/25
- “Negotiations and Settlements: The Factions File in the Hands of Intelligence, and the Handover of Weapons to Counter-Terrorism,” 12/26/25
- “Scenarios for Disarming Factions: Will the Experience of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party and the Sunni Awakening Councils be Repeated? 12/24/25
Bas News, “Asaib Ahl al-Haq Rejects Disarmament Amid Pressure on Iraqi Factions,” 12/22/25
- “Iraq Plans Committee to Control Weapons,” 12/24/25
- “Iraq Seeks International Guarantees for Disarming Iran-Backed Militias,” 12/20/25
- “Iraqi Resistance Groups Reject Disarmament, Set Conditions for Next Government,” 1/5/26
Al Mada, “Disarmament or disarmament … What are the scenarios for dealing with the factions’ weapons?” 12/29/25
- “The Framework calls for the withdrawal of al-Sudani and al-Maliki … and a plan is imminent to intranet the Popular Mobilization Forces,” 12/24/25
The National, “US envoy says disarming Iraqi militias must involve binding national framework,” 12/22/25
The National Context, “Mapped, Exposed, Targetable: How Strike Risk Is Forcing a Managed Militia Transition,” 12/21/25
Shafaq News, “Harakat Al-Nujaba frames armed “resistance” as public demand,” 12/22/25
- “Iraq’s Asaib Ahl al-Haq rejects link to anti-disarmament declaration," 1/6/26
- “Iraqi Resistance factions split over disarmament plan,” 12/20/25
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