Showing posts with label Local councils. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Local councils. Show all posts

Monday, February 3, 2014

Life In The Coalition Provisional Authority, An Interview With Nick Horne Who Volunteered With The CPA And Ended Up A Senior Advisor To The Electricity Ministry and Baghdad Council


Nick Horne was a British national at a telecommunications company in Jordan who decided on a career change that led him to Iraq. He started working with Iraqi refugees in Jordan immediately after the 2003 invasion, but then hopped in a taxi, went to Baghdad, and caught on with the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). His first job was on waste management in Baghdad, but then he quickly moved on to become an adviser to the Electricity Ministry, and then the Baghdad provincial council. Horne symbolized the idealistic staff of the CPA who worked hard to help Iraq despite having little experience in rebuilding countries.

1. Let’s start off with the beginning of your story. You were originally a volunteer with the Jordanian Red Crescent to help with refugees fleeing the 2003 invasion. You then decided to jump in a car and travelled across Anbar to Baghdad where you got a job with the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). What was that first job like, and how did you work that out just driving across country to Baghdad and getting hired?

I set my mind on a career change away from Telecommunications to management consultancy. I’d been working in Jordan as a consultant on a Telecoms project for the government when I met a group of British people setting up a refugee camp with the Jordanian Red Crescent along the Jordanian-Iraqi border. It was quite clear that there was going to be a war at that point. I had worked out that I wanted to change careers to something that was more interesting and probably more me. I ended up resigning from my company and working for the Red Crescent. That was an interesting experience, but it was relatively short lived, and I hoped that it would lead on to working in Iraq.

It didn’t immediately. It put me in this crowd of people who were NGO workers and those who worked for the U.N., but they already had their teams in place, because they had enough warning of the war in Iraq. So I was job hunting effectively in Amman, working contacts, going to meetings, and it wasn’t looking all that promising. I wasn’t giving up, but I thought I might have to go to the Congo or something for a job, but since I was in the area why don’t I try a couple weeks in Baghdad and see what happens.

At that time, there were people crossing the border quite regularly in SUVs. From the camp I got dropped off at the border and there was an old Iraqi taxi and I took that to Baghdad. I had no communications. No real contacts with anybody. And it was potentially risky. If I’d tried that journey 3-4 months later I think it would have been incredibly foolhardy. At the time it was a bit foolish, but it worked out. Obviously some of the areas I went to went badly wrong. In fact, we even broke down outside of Fallujah as night was falling due to a lack of fuel, and we carried on.

I arrived in Baghdad, and I had a few friends that I’d been working with in Jordan who were there working for OXFAM, so I could stay at the same hotel as them. I met them in the hotel for a beer one night when I ran into the head of OXFAM for Iraq, and he said he couldn’t offer me a job, but he needed somebody to help set up his operation. He said that if I could help with that he would help me network, and he could pay my hotel bill, so I said yes absolutely.

I spent a week shopping for OXFAM. It was a good introduction to the city [of Baghdad]. I went around to all the markets, meeting the expatriates and meeting Iraqis. I thought things might come from that.

I turned up at the coordination meeting of the CPA, and there was an announcement at the end that said, “We’re looking for help with solid waste management in Baghdad. Anyone interested come along and let us know.” So that was how I ended up using my Red Crescent badge to get into the Green Zone, and ended up knocking on the door of the palace, and that was how I got my first job.

Baghdad had some fairly wealthy districts and quite a lot of poorer districts. With the invasion and war the municipal services completely ended. So you had a backlog of trash. You had bomb damage. You had vehicle hulks. You had a lot of mess. By the time I started, which was June 2003 my colleagues in the CPA had already worked with the Iraqi authorities. People had gone back to work to an extent, there were municipal services even though their offices might have been looted, and the workers might have stolen the trucks. There were things happening, but it wasn’t happening at a fast enough rate.

The CPA was a kind of overlay on top of what existed and remained of the Iraqi government. So I was trying to work with few colleagues particularly some from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to try to build up capacity of the government, and also to do a bit of oversight. I had to develop a strategy fairly quickly because the military were pushing for cleaning up Baghdad. I wrote this plan that was fine in theory, but I suspected at the time was totally unrealistic.

I did manage to get out quite a bit because I wasn’t under the security restrictions at that time because I was a volunteer. At that time the city was quite benign. I was taking taxis, getting local drivers. I went to every one of the nine municipalities of Baghdad and toured them with ministry officials. So I got a good idea of what was going on in the city, and what the problems were.

One interesting thing was that you could see how the whole Iraqi system had been run by Saddam based upon fear. Without that in place, and all the looting that had happened immediately after the war there was a sense that there was no government, and no law. People who were used to a very authoritarian system with strict rules, but so long as you kept within those rules you were generally okay. Things sort of worked on that. After that there was basically a free for all. There was chaos in many ways, and people seemed to think that democracy means you can do what you want, and there are no rules. That was mostly true. That was very interesting to see that.

The officials at the local government level in Baghdad were saying that workers used to be frightened of us, and now we’re frightened of them. They couldn’t issue instructions, and hope to have them followed. That was a problem across the board.

2. After waste disposal you got a job with the British Department for International Development to work on the power system?

That’s right. The solid waste management coordination was unpaid. I could afford to work unpaid for a bit. I moved into the Al Rasheed Hotel, which was where most of the CPA officials in Baghdad resided in. The food was provided by KBR, so most of my expenses were pretty much covered. This was a career change, so I needed to get a bit beyond that, and that other thing wasn’t going to lead anywhere.

I met with a U.K. officer at the bar at Al Rasheed Hotel, and we chatted for quite a bit, and I was set up with an interview with the Department for International Development. Then I was offered a one month contract as a policy adviser to the Electricity Ministry. I was a bit surprised. I happened to be in electric engineering, but I’m not a specialist, and I’d not really worked in government before. I also assumed at that point since we were a couple months in, power was known to be a major problem, so I thought there would be a lot of capacity on the Coalition side. That there would be engineering firms, there would be some of the world’s leading experts working on it, and I found there really wasn’t. Bechtel had a contract from USAID, and they had a number of discreet projects. The Army Corps of Engineers were pretty good, but they didn’t have the contracts. So there was just very, very little going on. I think the reason why the British government hired me was first I was there so I was convenient, and there would be no delay, but also they wanted to find out why nothing was going on. What were the problems going on with power? So I was a bit of a man on the inside, a bit of a spy in that sense for them.

I started that job in July 2003.

3. One of the biggest complaints from Iraqis was the lack of power after the invasion. Paul Bremer had all these grand plans of 24 hours of electricity, to raise the capacity back up to pre-war levels, and then he said he was going to expand that afterward. What exactly happened to all those plans the CPA had?

There were no plans pre-invasion. When I came in there were bits of plans, but there was nothing coherent, nothing comprehensive. The pre-war levels of power were estimated to be about 4,400 megawatts. At the time I started we were at an unreliable 3,000 megawatts.

This was because the infrastructure was very, very old, and in incredibly poor condition. Up until the late-80s it had been world class, 24 hours of power in the whole country more or less. Than it was targeted in ‘91 quite extensively. And then with sanctions they weren’t ever able to rebuild the infrastructure. The Oil For Food Program allowed them to do a certain amount, but it was so tortuous and that was all they could do that it wasn’t particularly effective. We were dealing with a system at that point that was just being patched up here, breaking down there. I mean it was a real mess.

The other thing is, immediately following the war a lot of the pylons, the towers, were looted and demolished. I think it went beyond economic looting. It was a wholesale destruction of transmission networks.

So you had Baghdad as the capital, but power for the most part was generated in the north where the oil is or in the south where Rumaila oil field is, and Basra; it being easier to move electricity than the fuel. What happened was during the period of the 90s Saddam had directed all the power from those areas to Baghdad. So Baghdad had a reasonable amount of power, but the regions had very, very little. By destroying the transmission lines as they did Basra became an island of power. It had more than it needed. And there were other areas like that as well, and the power wasn’t getting to Baghdad.

Bremer’s policy was for equitable power across the country. That was criticized even by some of my colleagues. I don’t even think there was even a choice at that point anyway, because you couldn’t move the power because the transmission system wasn’t there. So think it was pragmatic as well. It was principled in that sense, but it was never properly implemented anyway. When you have more demand then you have supply that leads to load shedding, brown outs, rolling blackouts whatever you want to call it, whereby different lines in the distribution network are turned on for different periods of the day. Now people would either threaten the guy in the substation or bribe the guy or rely upon religious or tribal affiliations [to not turn off the lines], so that policy at the substation level was never properly implemented. From our perspective it was impossible to really monitor.

We were able to restore power to pre-war levels of power at 4,400 megawatts by the end of September. That was due to a number of factors, but mostly it was having people who were members of the military reserve with backgrounds in project management and with engineering skills. They were identified, and then assigned to work in power stations and with us. So we got better information and we were more mobilized. We got some spare parts, but not much in that time scale, and a few other things. We were able to get up to that level for a week or two before the scheduled maintenance.

The fact is the demand for power we estimated at 6,000-7,000 megawatts. It might have been going up because the amount of domestic appliances going into Iraq was incredible. Air conditioning units for example, fridges and TVs, the amount of stuff that was coming in to increase demand was extraordinary. So demand was shooting up and no one was paying their electricity bills, so we were chasing this moving target.

Typically it takes three years to build a big power station, and that’s when you don’t have an insurgency. All the cost estimates we initially made we had to practically double or triple because of the increased danger for contractors. Everything became incredibly hard. People were on lockdown all the time. Infrastructure was being attacked as it was being built.

We started with a relatively tiny team, but we changed that reasonably quickly by mid to late August. By September there really was a lot going on, and that really ramped up during the period of the CPA, but it was getting harder and harder. And perhaps during that short honeymoon period if we had been better organized and something had been planned before the invasion maybe that could have done something, but actually probably not.

I got a little bit frustrated when you would read in the press for example that the Americans hadn’t even been able to sort out the electricity yet as if electricity was very simple. It’s not. It’s very complicated and very expensive. It’s incredibly difficult, and I think with the level of effort made from late-2003 onward probably not much more could have been done, and it’s still nowhere near good enough.

4. You worked with two different Electricity Ministers. The first was appointed by the Americans, Dr. Karim Waheed al-Aboudi, and the second was put in place by the Iraqi Government Council, Ayham al-Samarraie. What were those two men like?  

It was entertaining. Dr. Karim was actually the Commissioner, because originally it was the Commission of Electricity, and then it got changed to the Electricity Ministry. He was an engineer. He was very well liked by our team. I felt like he wasn’t always straight with us. And I think I might be a little bit overly suspicious, because what I did find amongst Iraqi colleagues was a culture of fear. People were frightened of telling the truth upwards. People would not speak the truth onto power because it could cost them their jobs, their lives, their livelihoods, etc. And so we were not getting straight talk from people we were hoping to get straight talk from. Dr. Karim was certainly in that category, but I think his motivations were good.

The minister the Governing Council appointed Ayham al-Samarraie who is back in Chicago now was an entertaining character. We liked him, but he spent most of his time out of the country. We would follow his progress around the world through press releases saying that just did a deal with the Chinese or the Russians or the Indians or wherever he happened to be to buy capacity and services. We were just going what? He doesn’t have any budget for any of that. He was a character. One might question his motivations for cutting all these deals, but nothing was ever proven. He did have an engineering background. He would bark orders to his Iraqi staff and they would try to satisfy them.

With some amusement I read about his escape out of the Green Zone [in 2006], and his way back to Chicago, and the various interviews that he gave [afterward].

5. Moving on from electricity you then worked with the various councils within Baghdad. This was another part of the American’s plan. They wanted to decentralize power to try to stop another authoritarian government coming. So they set up local councils, district councils, and provincial councils. It seemed like a lot of this was done ad hoc. Some military unit would go into a neighborhood, and sometimes they would elect people, sometimes they would appoint people, and they were creating dozens and dozens of these councils, and it didn’t seem coordinated at all.

There was some good work done. I’ve been working with the military for the last two years, and they are enthusiastic, committed, and brave. They’re on the ground when a lot of other people aren’t or where they’re not. They would see a vacuum and want to fill it, but some of the stuff they did was probably unhelpful.

When I went to Iraq I was very new to the international developmental game. What I have seen since then is that the most urbane, best English speaking, suit wearing people are generally the biggest crooks. But we tend to fall for them. It’s not just the military, we all do because they talk the same language, they know what to say, and we tend to believe them. So I think some of the people the military appointed in those early days in Iraq were out and out crooks.

There was no consistent policy. You had people on the ground doing what they felt needed to be done, because there was a sense of urgency.

I felt that decentralization was a generally good thing, and that the experiment possibly could have worked if the CPA had lasted for a longer period of time. But anything that you do at the subnational level is going to challenge the national level Iraqi politicians who are very much against any type of decentralization.

They [the councils] weren’t properly resourced. And by the time that I came in which was about April 04 the CPA was preparing to go home and disband, and therefore didn’t want to make any challenging decisions. To a certain extent the Iraqi local councils, the district councils, the neighborhood councils were abandoned to their fate and that was incredibly frustrating because I felt that was probably the right way to go.

Within Baghdad setting up a city council, and a district council, and a provincial council was overly complicated. Wherein the States where it just about works, in Iraq it just doesn’t. So having three different councils with overlapping mandates was just a recipe for a problem. I think it was a year or so later that the Baghdad governor ejected the mayor with a whole lot of armed men. So that’s Iraqi governance. Again it was a very interesting experience, but quite frustrating. We were failing at that point and we had somewhat given up.

6. Was that the point where you realized that things were too much of a mess in Iraq, and things weren’t working out or did you come to that realization at an earlier time in your experience?

I think I only did that around April 04. I like everyone in that line of work starts off enthusiastic, idealistic, bright eye and bushy tailed. Also when you’re in an environment like the CPA, particularly with a lot of military around people are very much drinking the cool aid and you’re in a bit of a bubble. You very much want to believe in what you’re doing and its ultimate success. I think it was April during the uprisings and various other problems and the difficulty of the job that the penny started to drop and I realized that we really weren’t going to succeed. I think we were failing.

Now what was the prescription for that? What the solution was I didn’t know, and I still really don’t know. But things were really falling apart. Obviously it really went downhill until 2006-2007, back up again, and now back down again.

I was reading a lot more books. For example I was reading Pity The Nation about Lebanon by Robert Fisk. And it was quite interesting with the U.S. led multinational force in Beirut in 1982-83. There was this air of optimism that the Americans are here, and now things are going to sort their way out, and it actually didn’t. Understanding more, talking more, it opened my eyes a bit more and I realized we were not succeeding.

7. You talked about the Iraqi government, and I think this is important because probably a lot of those people, the lower level Iraqi bureaucrats, are still working for the government. You talked about the culture of fear that was from Saddam, people didn’t want to pass bad news upwards. You had all these different councils being formed throughout Iraq. What was your general impression about how the government worked and didn’t work? The average bureaucrat what kind of impression did they have of their job?

One of my first questions was why my Iraqi colleagues were not psyched about rebuilding their country. I was trying to build power stations for example. They weren’t particularly bothered. They weren’t their project. They were our project. No, I told them these are your projects. And they said no, they’re your projects and we’re just helping you with them. Well they weren’t because they weren’t getting a cut.

Official salaries were so incredibly low that the whole system became based upon corruption. The capital budget wasn’t a capital budget. It was all extra payments and bonuses. Likewise everything else was riddled with corruption and kickbacks. If people were not getting a cut on a project then it was just more work for them, and why would they want it to go ahead? So there was no motivation there. You had the fear, but you also had the incentivization through corruption right throughout the entire system.

But another factor that came into play as we were there that probably became more extreme since was the Sunni, Shiite, Kurds confessions being played out within the ministries, particularly ministries becoming fiefdoms of certain factions, and not working together. The Ministry of Finance lording it over the others, the Ministry of Oil not getting along with the Ministry of Electricity. There was nothing to bring these ministries together because of the way that jobs had been handed out within the new Iraqi government. Ministries became a fiefdoms of a particular confession, and they would pack them full of people. It was patronage based and totally inefficient and bloated when I was there, and it’s probably gotten worse since.

I did like the Iraqis a great deal. I thought their sense of humor was great, and they were all very brave. With increasing violence I think things have gotten worse within the Iraqi government.   

Wednesday, January 9, 2013

How The United States Ran Into Party Politics As Well As Violence Trying to Rebuild Iraq’s Government


In 2005, American civilian and military officials decided that rebuilding Iraq’s government would be a top priority. The U.S. needed a government to run services and provide an alternative to militants. This was part of a new comprehensive counterinsurgency policy that Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad was trying to implement. The new strategy ran into three problems. First, the U.S. created local and district councils after the 2003 invasion with no laws or regulations, which made it difficult to integrate them into the Iraqi government once sovereignty was returned in 2005. Second after the two elections in 2005, Iraq’s new political parties took over the ministries. They set about concentrating power in their hands, ignoring the provincial and local councils, and delivered services on a partisan and sectarian basis. Third, the civil war was just starting, and violence made it difficult for the government to operate, because public workers were being killed and intimidated, while ministers were using their offices to carry out political and sectarian attacks. These all undermined the Americans’ plans, and some of these problems persist to the present day.

Karrada district council in Baghdad holds ceremony for new power generator paid for by the U.S. Army in 2008. It was these types of local projects that the Americans were hoping would empower the local governments it helped create (U.S. Army)

After the 2003 invasion, the U.S. set about creating new councils throughout Iraq. At first, this was done on ad hoc basis by American military units. There were no orders on how to set them up, so officers took different approaches. In May 2003 for example, General David Petraeus who was then the commander of the 101st Airborne Division set up a city council in Mosul in Ninewa province. General James Conway of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force began organizing for provincial elections in Najaf. Eventually, the Coalition Provisional Authority and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) became involved as well. The Americans believed that they were initiating a new system of governance similar to what they had back in the U.S. with city councils, state legislatures, etc. The problem was these councils were never codified in Iraqi law, which would regulate them, delineate their powers, and provide them with budgets. The Coalition Provisional Authority refused to promulgate any laws for them believing that a new Iraqi government should do that. When sovereignty was returned, Baghdad didn’t want to deal with them either. It wasn’t until 2008 for example, that a Provincial Powers Law was finally passed, and that has largely been ignored. That meant while they operated it was hard for them to gain any traction, especially because they became completely dependent upon the U.S. for resources.

The issue of Iraqi governance was further complicated by the two elections that occurred in 2005. In January, there was voting for provincial councils and an interim parliament to draft a new constitution. Then in December, there was balloting for a permanent legislature. What happened was each level of government ended up conflicting with the others once these new politicians took office. One major issue was again the lack of laws for the new governing system. The result was that the new governorate councils demanded control over services and development, which authorities in Baghdad were unwilling to grant them. In turn, the provincial officials often ignored the district and local councils. Second, when new ministers were named they placed their followers into office often relying upon family and tribal members who were unqualified to run things. This also opened the door to corruption, which siphoned off huge amounts of funds. Third, the new political class was shaped by the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein. Under Baathist rule, individualism and initiative were not only discouraged, but could cost people their lives if they ended up contradicting Saddam. The new political parties that took power in 2005 were run in the same manner. Ministers, parliamentarians, and provincial council members all looked to their party bosses rather than the public for instructions. Fourth, the ministers attempted to concentrate as much power as possible over services and funding in their hands. They used these resources to build up patronage systems to protect and expand their bases. This made the ministries accountable to individual politicians and their parties rather than the public. Party and sectarian rivalries also came into play, as ministers would not cooperate with those of a different list. The same problems affected interactions between the central and provincial governments. For example, the Interior Ministry refused to get rid of some police chiefs that provincial governments wanted to be fired, because the chiefs were from the minister’s party. It also undermined national development plans, because politicians only wanted projects to go to their constituents. The Americans originally believed that creating all these new levels of government would decentralize power in Iraq, so that another dictatorship would not return. The fact that they did not codify much of this new system, and didn’t anticipate the role of party politics showed short-term thinking and the lack of serious planning. The United States attempted to create linkages between the different levels of government, build their capacity, and mediate between them, but to this day there are still conflicts between them.

Once in power the ruling parties were intent on staying in office for as long as possible. There were ideas to have new provincial elections after the December 2005 parliamentary voting for instance, but they were put off again and again. There was discussion of holding new governorate balloting in September 2006, and then March 2007, but laws were never passed, and an election commission was never authorized to conduct them. It wasn’t until January 2009, that the provinces got to elect new council members. American plans for Iraqi democracy once again ran into the reality of party politics. With Iraqis in office, they got to dictate the rules of the game. They saw the voting process as a way into controlling the new Iraq and its resources, and were not going to give that up for any abstract ideas the U.S. was pushing for how things should be run.

Former Deputy Health Minister Zamili of the Sadr Trend was accused of running death squads from 2005-2007. Today he is a parliamentarian (Al Tahreer News)

The situation was made worse by the emerging civil war. Al Qaeda in Iraq, insurgents, and large parts of the Sunni population rejected the new government seeing it as imposed by foreigners, and empowering Shiites and Kurds at their expense. Targeting government officials and offices became a top priority. As violence increased, parties employed their own personal militias, and the security forces and ministries to seize power. In 2005, Bayan Jabr of the Supreme Council’s Badr Brigade became Interior Minister. He immediately began recruiting his militiamen into the police force, especially the special commando units. They were accused of arresting people for being Sunnis, torturing them, and murdering them. In November, a U.S. military unit raided a secret prison housed in the basement of an Interior Ministry building in the capital with 173 prisoners in it, many of which claimed they had been tortured. The Sadrists controlled the Health Ministry and used it to carry out sectarian attacks. In one incident in 2006, Iraqi soldiers kidnapped six people from a Baghdad emergency room, and took them to the Health Ministry where they disappeared. That same year, the health chief from Diyala visited the ministry offices in Baghdad, and was never seen again. In 2007, the Americans arrested the deputy Health Ministry Hakim Abbas al-Zamili on charges of running death squads out of the Health Ministry. He was later found not innocent after several witnesses against him failed to show up, others were threatened, and the presiding judge was removed over rumors that he was willing to find Zamili not guilty before the case even started. Likewise, in 2007, Culture Minister Asad al-Hashemi of the Iraqi Islamic Party attempted to assassinate parliamentarian Mithal al-Alusi, but failed, and killed his two sons instead. An arrest warrant was later issued for Hashemi, forcing him to hide in his uncle’s house in the Green Zone, Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi, before he escaped, and fled the country. The Minister was later found guilty, and sentenced to death in absentia. The government, which the Americans were attempting to develop to help fight the violence, was becoming a cause of it. The ruling parties were not only going after their rivals, but were actors in the civil war kidnapping, arresting, torturing, and murdering people, because of their sect. The hopes of creating a functional, decentralized Iraqi government were fading fast.

Former Culture Minister Asad al-Hashemi of the Islamic Party was convicted of attempting to assassinate parliamentarian Mithal al-Alusi in 2007 leading to him fleeing the country (AFP)

All of these problems were exemplified in Baghdad. The U.S. created 437 neighborhood, 195 sub-district, and 96 district councils in the capital after the invasion. In 2005, the Supreme Council won provincial elections there. In August, it pushed out the mayor of the city who was a secular technocrat for the governor of Baghdad who was from the Supreme Council. That year an American army unit gave reconstruction funds to a local council officer to build a pipeline to a planned water plant that was under construction. The problem was he was in a Sunni neighborhood, and the pipes would have to cross into a Shiite area where the plant was. The Supreme Council controlled provincial council refused to connect the line, because it wanted the plant to serve Shiite neighborhoods only. The growing violence also stifled the operation of the government. More than 50 members of Baghdad’s councils were assassinated. There were daily gun battles on Haifa Street, which housed various government offices such as the Board of Supreme Audit. Employees couldn’t go to work for weeks as a result, because it was too dangerous. In effect, the government at almost every level ceased to operate. The political and sectarian differences meant that there was little cooperation between offices. The violence made it impossible for many public employees to go to work, and many of them ended up dead in the streets.

The U.S. pushed ahead with its plans throughout this difficult period. It attempted to use bureaucratic solutions to solve the conflict between the different levels of government. In June 2006, the Project and Contracting Office said that all U.S. and Iraqi stakeholders had to sign a memorandum of understanding to go forward with any projects to ensure that they would be completed, and not run into the political and sectarian problems that others had faced. That failed to solve anything. Next, the newly created Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) worked with the different levels of government to help them cooperate, worked to build their capacities, and carry out reconstruction. This was especially important for the local councils the Americans had created, which the provincial councils and ministries were trying to ignore. In 2006, the U.S. military also began prioritizing working with the local authorities, and ended up providing them security, distributed reconstruction funds to them, etc. Given all the chaos that was going on in the country at the time, the effects of these efforts took years to have any real positive outcomes. Additionally, the PRTs were originally understaffed, which meant they had great difficulty in carry out their duties. Finally, they were never able to completely overcome the party politics and the monopolizing of power that was going on in the central government. Provincial authorities to this day struggle with the ministries over who has authority over various tasks.

The United States came into Iraq with no real plans on how to set up a new government. Individual military units first created local councils, but these were never put into law, so their power was always disputed. Then the Coalition Provisional Authority wanted to create a new decentralized system, but again, failed to enact legislation to ensure that it would work. When Iraq held elections in 2005, the newly empowered parties tried to seize as much authority as they could, ignored the councils created by the Americans, and only wanted to provide services to their followers. Finally, the violence that went into overdrive starting in 2005 shut down large parts of the government. Not only that, but politicians became perpetrators of political and sectarian attacks driving the country into further chaos. The United States attempted to work through all this and make its ideas of a new Iraqi democracy a reality, but completely underestimated the difficulty of that task. First, its lack of pre-planning made it act in an ad hoc fashion, which defeated itself. Second, Iraqi parties had their own plans for the country, which often differed from those of the Americans. In the end, the Iraqis were going to be in control and determine their own future. These problems between center and periphery within Iraq continue to this day as seen in the dispute between the Kurdistan Regional Government and Baghdad, and between the other provinces and the central government over security and economic policy. If these differences ever get resolved it will be by Iraqis own machinations, and will likely take decades, something the United States never had the luxury of having when it was trying to work on governance issues.

SOURCES

CNN, “Deputy health minister arrested in U.S.-Iraqi raid,” 2/8/07

Diamond, Larry, Squandered Victory, The American Occupation And The Bungled Effort To Bring Democracy To Iraq, New York: Times Books, 2005

Glantz, Aaron, “Iraqi Health Ministry Severs Ties With US Over Raid,” AntiWar, 8/15/06

Ibrahim, Haider, “Local elections postponed – again,” AK News, 12/11/11

International Crisis Group, “Iraq After The Surge II: The Need for a New Political Strategy,” 4/30/08

Kadhim, Abbas, “Iraq’s Quest for Democracy amid Massive Corruption,” Arab Reform Bulletin, 3/3/10

Londono, Ernesto, “After Six Years, ‘We’re Worthless,’” Washington Post, 10/8/09

Musings On Iraq, “From Bad To Worse, How Militias Moved Into The Iraqi Police Force, And The United States Failed At Nation Building. Part Two Of An Interview With Jerry Burke, Former Advisor To The Baghdad Police And Interior Ministry,” 2/13/12

Packer, George, “War After The War,” New Yorker, 11/24/03

Ramzi, Kholoud, “a family tie too tight: nepotism runs deep in iraqi politics,” Niqash, 7/21/11

Rubin, Alissa, “Trial of 2 Ex-Officials in Iraq Is Delayed as Witnesses Fail to Show,” New York Times, 2/20/08
- “Charges Are Dropped Against 2 Shiite Ex-Officials Accused in Sectarian Killings,” New York Times, 3/4/08

Special Inspector General For Iraq Reconstruction, “Hard Lessons,” 1/22/09


Al-Wannan, Jaafar, “Committee blames councils for potential delay in municipal elections,” AK News, 3/27/11

Thursday, July 19, 2012

Special Inspector General For Iraq Reconstruction’s “Hard Lessons” Chapter 11 “Restoring Iraq’s Capacity to Govern”


Besides the reconstruction of Iraq, the other main priority of Paul Bremer and the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) was to create a new democratic country. Before it could do that it had to get the government up and running. When the old regime fell, the administration disappeared as bureaucrats stopped going to work, and the ministries and offices were looted. What happened next would again highlight the dysfunctional nature of America’s post-war handling of Iraq. First, the U.S. believed that the government would be up and running the day after the fall of the regime, so it was completely surprised when it collapsed. Second, there were three separate groups working on governance, the U.S. military, the United States Agency of International Development (USAID), and the CPA. There was minimal coordination between the three. Last, the Iraqis were not included in any of the decision-making, which would come back and haunt Bremer and his ideas for Iraq’s future. Overall, America’s good intentions proved not enough when trying to create a new Iraqi society.

The first group that set about rebuilding Iraq’s government was the U.S. military. It created local, district, and provincial councils, so that it had Iraqis to work with in their areas of operation. The armed forces had no orders on how to create these new bodies, so they were all made in an ad hoc nature. In Ninewa governorate for example, General David Petraeus who was the commander of the 101st Airborne Division was facing a chaotic situation. Insurgents were organizing, and trying to take control, while local politicians and leading figures were declaring themselves mayor of Mosul and governor of the province. Petraeus first secured Mosul, and then organized a convention that elected a city council, a mayor, and a governor in May 2003. In Najaf, General James Conway of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force set up elections for a new provincial council scheduled for June. The CPA stepped in and canceled them, claiming that Iraq had no election law, but was really acting out of fear that Moqtada al-Sadr’s followers might take power there. One positive that emerged from this situation was that the U.S. was trying to create grassroots democracy, inspired by its city councils and state assemblies. That was a move away from the centralized and repressive system that Saddam Hussein had imposed on the country where the Baath party ran everything. At the same time, the Army and Marines had no plan to follow when trying to accomplish this. Each commander basically followed his own initiative. The CPA also sometimes interfered in their work like what happened in Najaf. Basically there was little coordination, because the U.S. was caught completely by surprise by the situation they found on the ground in Iraq after the fall of the regime. Most importantly, the local and district councils that were created had no real power, were completely dependent upon the U.S. for funding, and mainly just consulted with American units. Many of the officials that came into power in 2003 are also still in office today. That meant this had the trappings of a new democratic Iraq, but fell far short in substance.
Gen. Petraeus was one of the many U.S. commanders who had to devise his own plans for a new Iraqi government at the local level when he was in charge of Ninewa province in 2003 (40th Public Affairs Detachment)
The second organization that entered the fray was USAID. In April, it hired a contractor to work with local governments, and help them with reconstruction projects. The company was first charged with helping city councils, but eventually set up 22 offices across Iraq, and assisted with the development of governance at all levels within the provinces. USAID also set up a grant system to help fund many of the bodies being created. It eventually signed five more contracts to aid in the process. USAID was most concerned with creating local institutions and projects that would employ Iraqis. They tried to work with the U.S. military, but had much grander plans for Iraq. At the same time, they disagreed with much of the CPA’s ideas, and constantly argued with them about the future of the country. This was another sign of the lack of cooperation between the different American groups working within Iraq.

The CPA played a role in the local and provincial governments as well. In the governorates, the CPA created a system of coordinators. They sometimes came into conflict with the military and USAID, because they didn’t have the same expertise or goals. The 2004 budget, which was drawn up by the Coalition didn’t include much for the provincial or local councils that emasculate them. Many Iraqis were not impressed with the new bodies either, because they couldn’t do much, and were seen as creatures of the American occupation. That meant the U.S. was creating new government entities that lacked legitimacy with the people.
Bremer flying over Iraq like the overseer he saw himself as (Time)
What Paul Bremer focused upon the most was creating a new democratic society in Iraq. The initial step in this process was creating a 25 member Iraqi Governing Council. At first there were some objections by Iraqis, but eventually the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the Dawa Party, the Iraqi National Congress, the Iraqi National List, and the Iraqi Communist Party, which comprised all the major exile and Kurdish opposition parties from the Saddam era, agreed to join it. The United Nations pushed for domestic Iraqis to serve on the council as well, and was responsible for finding them otherwise the CPA might not have included any. Another issue that arose was that Bremer carved up the Governing Council along ethnosectarian lines. 13 seats went to Shiites, 5 to Kurds, 5 to Sunnis, and one each for Assyrian Christians and Turkmen. In September, the council named a new cabinet, which was also divided the exact same way with 13 Shiite ministers, 5 Sunni and 5 Kurdish, and one Assyrian, and one Turkmen. While this had the trappings of a new Iraqi government and the return of sovereignty, the ministries proved to still be largely under U.S. control. A second issue was that the Governing Council had no real power. The United Nations pushed to change that, but Bremer refused. At the same time, many of the councilmen never showed up for work, the U.S. didn’t trust all of them, and some were considered corrupt. Finally, the ethnosectarian composition of the council and the ministries would set a trend that would continue on into the present Iraqi governments. The U.S. has been widely condemned for creating this system, but it was something that the Iraqi opposition had been doing since the 1990s. After the Gulf War it tried to create a series of umbrella organizations to unite them all, but because there were so many factions that needed to be included they turned to a quota system, very similar to what the U.S. did after 2003.

Bremer’s creation of a Governing Council was just the first step in a multi-stage process he had devised, but would later have to abandon, because of pressure from Iraqis and Washington. Previously, Jay Garner of the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, which was the first American body in charge of post-war Iraq, wanted a quick transition to Iraqi control. Bremer came in with a long-term project that not only included caucuses to create a body that would draft a new constitution, a referendum on that document, and voting for a new national government, but also set out to establish a free press, and create a new judicial system. Bremer argued that this entire process would take several years, because it required creating a democratic culture, not just holding elections. In June, the CPA ran into its first impediment when Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani issued a fatwa against Bremer’s ideas of how to write a constitution. Instead, the cleric called for early elections for an interim parliament to come up with a new constitution. Bremer tried to meet with Sistani in July in Najaf to work out their differences, but was refused. Next, Bremer wrote an opinion piece for the Washington Post in September outlining his plans. This caused consternation back in the U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had initially approved the CPA’s ideas, but then changed his mind, and pushed for turning over power to the Iraqis sooner rather than later. Then National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice set up the Iraq Stabilization Group that advocated a quicker transition to Iraqi sovereignty as well. Rice was frustrated with Bremer, because he answered to no one, and no one in Washington really knew what he was doing. Rice placed Robert Blackwill in charge of the Stabilization Group. He went to Iraq in September, and found that Bremer’s plan was not tenable, because it was not acceptable to Iraqis such as Ayatollah Sistani. In October, the United Nations passed a resolution saying that Iraqis should have control of their country as soon as possible. The next month, Bremer was called back to Washington for a policy meeting on the future of Iraq. There, Bremer was told to come up with a new timeline for returning sovereignty to the Iraqis. With all that pressure, Bremer relented and revised his strategy. He went on to announce that the CPA would cease to exist in June 2004 when an interim Iraqi government would take power, while a new constitution was constructed. United Nations envoy Lakhdar Brahimi helped convince Ayatollah Sistani of this new plan. At first, Bremer and the CPA had great leeway to do what it wanted in Iraq, because the country was descending into chaos, and Washington was caught unprepared. The problem was that the CPA didn’t have the staff to follow through with its ideas, and didn’t listen to anyone, especially Iraqis on what the future of the nation should be. It made many decisions on the fly, and its long term plans either for reconstruction or governance all ended up falling apart.

The United States came into Iraq saying that it wanted to create a democracy, but it didn’t have the planning or time to accomplish that. Bremer thought that he could stay in Iraq for years running and building things until a new political culture was created, and then he would return sovereignty. That ran into the interests of Washington and Iraqis who wanted the U.S. out as soon as possible. Not only that, but the Americans were failing to create the institutions to make a new society, because almost all the bodies they created or put back together like the local councils to the ministries were all dependent upon the U.S., and largely under their control with limited autonomy. Bremer tried to create a system of stewardship that would walk the Iraqis through his multi-step program. The fact that he didn’t seem to take into consideration what the Iraqis wanted or take advice from other American agencies like USAID, which he was in constant conflict with, eventually sunk his ideas.

SOURCES

Al-Ahram, “Untying the knot,” 2/19/03

Baker, David, “Iraqis sample democracy in U.S.-sponsored councils,” San Francisco Chronicle, 9/4/03

Burns, John and Stevenson, Richard, “Frustrated top GI in Iraq talks tough,” San Francisco Chronicle, 11/12/03

Chandrasekaran, Rajiv, “U.S. drops assembly idea for interim political council,” San Francisco Chronicle, 6/2/03

Collier, Robert, “Shiite support for U.S. occupation of Iraq appears tenuous,” San Francisco Chronicle, 7/16/03

Elliott, Michael, “If At First You Don’t Succeed…,” Time, 11/24/03

Filkins, Dexter, “85 die in Iraq shrine blast – key ayatollah among slain,” San Francisco Chronicle, 8/30/03

Packer, George, “War After The War,” New Yorker, 11/24/03

PBS Frontline, “Interview Maj. Gen. David Petraeus,” Beyond Baghdad, 2/12/04

Powell, Bill and Ghosh, Aparism, “Paul Bremer’s Rough Ride,” Time, 6/28/04

Ricks, Thomas, Fiasco, New York: Penguin Press, 2006

Senor, Daniel, Martinez, Roman, “Donald Rumsfeld’s Iraq Revisionism,” Washington Post, 2/15/11

Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction, “Hard Lessons,” 1/22/09

Tyler, Patrick, “Big step toward a new Iraq,” San Francisco Chronicle, 7/8/03
- “Iraq pieces together its first postwar governing council,” San Francisco Chronicle, 7/13/03

Vest, Jason, “The failures of occupation,” San Francisco Bay Guardian, 4/21/04

Walt, Vivienne, “Bombing at Baghdad police compound,” San Francisco Chronicle, 9/3/03
- “Iraqis take over Cabinet posts amid insecurity,” San Francisco Chronicle, 9/4/03

Wright, Robin and Williams, Daniel, “U.S. set to cede power to Iraqis quickly,” San Francisco Chronicle, 11/13/03

Tuesday, October 25, 2011

Local Elections In Iraq Delayed Once Again


In October 2011, Iraq’s Election Commission announced that local elections were going to be postponed once again. Voting was originally supposed to happen in 2005, but have been delayed several times since then because of security concerns and political disagreements. In early 2011, Baghdad once again brought up the issue in response to popular protests. Now that those have subsided the authorities have no pressure upon them to follow through with their promises, which probably means that balloting for neighborhood and district councils will be held off indefinitely even though many of them have been in office for the last eight years.

On October 17, the Election Commission told the press that district and neighborhood voting would be delayed. The reason was because parliament went on a 60-day holiday that month, and has not passed a law to authorize the balloting. Even after that is accomplished, the Commission needs three months to prepare. That means the elections, if they ever happen, will not occur until mid-2012 at the earliest. This is not the first time parliament has put off their duties on this issue, and will probably not be the last. All kinds of arguments, and power disputes are brought up whenever there is an election in Iraq, so the easiest thing for the country’s politicians to do is nothing, and maintain the status quo.

Three times before, Baghdad has brought up local elections. In 2005, local balloting was supposed to happen after the January provincial elections. That didn’t happen because of the lack of security as the civil war was taking off. Then in January 2009, parliament said the country would cast ballots by July, but then never followed through on its promise. Finally, in early 2011, popular protests broke out in the country. Some demonstrators blamed their district and neighborhood councils for the lack of services, and called for them to be sacked. That led Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to propose local elections. In March, the regions committee in parliament held discussions with the provincial councils and the Ministry of Municipalities about new voting. Each province was supposed to conduct a detailed analysis of each of their districts and their boundaries. The regions committee then complained that Baghdad, Basra, Maysan, and Salahaddin were doing nothing. That effectively blocked any elections because Baghdad and Basra are the two largest governorates in the nation. Some local politicians were also afraid of being replaced, so they refused to cooperate. Still, in April, officials said that voting could occur by June. That was then pushed back to September, when parliamentarians claimed that the parties were arguing over how to deal with the disputed territories. The Kurds for example, were pushing for a census before any voting. That worried some Arab lawmakers who believed that a census was the first step in implementing Article 140 of the Constitution, which outlines how the disputed areas will determine whether they want to remain under central government control or be annexed by Kurdistan. The deadlock over this issue was just the latest reason for the legislature to not act. Come September, the Election Commission and the Regional Development Commission even came up with a draft election law, which was supposed to be voted on by the end of the month, but nothing happened. That leads up to the current delay, when now there are not even parliamentarians at their jobs for the next two months.

The Americans’ created Iraq’s district and neighborhood councils. Most of them were put together right after the 2003 invasion, based upon Ottoman boundaries. Others were formed during the 2007 Surge. The local politicians were either appointed by the Americans, or elected through caucuses or direct votes. This was an attempt by the U.S. military to create grassroots democracy in Iraq, based upon city and county governments back home. The councils have small budgets to pay their salaries, deliver food rations and pensions, and provide access to the ministries, but on the other hand they can’t make laws, raise money, or control development projects. The fact that the American created them is also problematic, because some high officials and politicians resent that.

This confluence of events is why Iraq has not had new local elections. There are too many arguments about how to conduct them, so parliament has refused to act. The fact that there are no more protests also means that there is no one applying outside pressure upon the authorities to make a final decision on the vote. The councils were originally created to help spread democracy throughout the country, and they have to an extent. At the same time, their hybrid status and long term in office with no popular referendum shows the limits of the new Iraq. Despite holding several elections since 2005, Iraqi politics have deadlocked. The country is notorious for delaying any important political decisions as a result, and this is just another example.

SOURCES

Al-Haidari, Faraj, “Electoral Commission postpones local elections,” AK News, 10/17/11

Al-Wannan, Jaafar, “Parliament to vote on bill for local elections,” AK News, 9/18/11

Al-Zubaidi, Ahmed, “Vice is likely to postpone the election districts and areas,” Radio Free Iraq, 8/21/11

Thursday, April 21, 2011

Iraq Discusses Local Municipal Elections, Again

For the third time since the 2003 fall of Saddam Hussein, the government of Iraq is considering holding municipal elections. The district and neighborhood councils were created, and largely appointed, by the Americans with some based upon old Ottoman Empire boundaries. Voting for these local boards were supposed to happen in 2005 and 2009, but Baghdad never got around to them. The authorities are once again discussing them because of the protests that have spread across the country, but it’s yet to be seen whether they will finally follow through.

After demonstrations broke out in Iraq in February 2011, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki began promising new voting. Some protesters blamed their local councils for the lack of services, and demanded that they be replaced or disbanded. The premier then promised that the long-delayed balloting for the councils would be held. At first, June was mentioned, but then that was pushed back to September. That could be a harbinger of further delays.

Plans for the elections have been discussed at the national and governorate level. In March, the regions committee in parliament, held talks with the provincial councils, and the Ministry of Municipalities over the issue. Each province was supposed to do detailed investigations of their districts to determine how many there were, and what their boundaries were. Soon after that discussion was held however, the parliamentary committee complained that Baghdad, Basra, Maysan, and Salahaddin were not collecting any information. That’s especially important because Baghdad and Basra are the two larger governorates in the country. Without their cooperation, no voting can be held. Some local politicians are also afraid that they will be voted out or have their districts disbanded if the balloting ever occurs. That means they may not be cooperating either in the hopes that their bureaucratic obstinacy can hold up the process.

This is the third time that Baghdad has mentioned district balloting. Originally they were supposed to occur after the January 2005 provincial elections, but were never held due to the security situation. They were brought up again in 2009 when Iraq held its next governorate level voting, but the parliament did nothing about them. The delay was indefinite, and might not have come up again if not for the demonstrations.

The Americans put together the local councils after the 2003 invasion. Some were based upon old Ottoman administrative districts. The members were sometimes appointed by U.S. troops, while other times there were caucuses and votes by Iraqis. More were created in 2007 during the Surge. All of them were supposed to create local democracy, based upon America’s experience with city councils and counties, and also provide a connection between U.S. troops and local Iraqis. In Baghdad province for example, there are nine districts and over 100 neighborhood ones. The councils have only limited power. They have a budget to pay their salaries, provide food rations, pensions, and access to ministries, but do not control development projects, and can’t make laws or raise money. In fact, there were worries that many would disappear after the U.S. withdrawal because their main benefactor would be departing. The Baghdad provincial council started disbanding some councils and firing members for being unqualified in early 2009, but they have persisted. Because of their foreign origins and lack of authority, the country’s political parties have largely ignored them, which is another reason why there has been no urgency to hold elections for them. 

Premier Maliki has made a number of concessions in recent months in an attempt to stop the demonstrations in his country. One of those was promising local elections, which were originally supposed to happen six years ago. Whether Baghdad is serious about this promise or not is yet to be seen. That’s because the councils occupy something akin to political limbo. They do provide some essential services to the public, but they are also seen as American creations with limited power, and thus of not much interest to the parties. Since so many were never elected, their replacement is long overdue. The government has to find the political will to do so.

SOURCES

Londono, Ernesto, “After Six Years, ‘We’re Worthless,’” Washington Post, 10/8/09

Stone, Andrea, “Iraqi councils shoulder more responsibility,” USA Today, 6/4/08

Al-Wannan, Jaafar, “Committee blames councils for potential delay in municipal elections,” AK News, 3/27/11
- “Iraqi local elections expected in September,” AK News, 4/12/11

Warden, James, “Focus turns to matching old, new Iraqi institutions,” Stars and Stripes, 3/1/09
- “Local leaders are making a comeback in Iraq,” Stars and Stripes, 3/2/09

Friday, June 12, 2009

One American Attempt At Building Democracy In Iraq Looks To Be Fading

One goal of the United States before it departs Iraq is to leave it a functioning democracy. The U.S. has facilitated four national elections, two provincial, one parliamentary, and a referendum on the 2005 constitution, since the U.S. invasion. In January 2010 Iraq is to have its fifth balloting for a new parliament. Voting is only the most visible form of democracy. Since 2003 the Americans have been building up local councils to give everyday Iraqis a say in their government. These look to disappear however when the U.S. leaves.

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was the first government agency in the U.S. to seriously contemplate democracy building in Iraq. It joined the post-war planning in August 2002. The State Department was supposed to be in charge of governance in Iraq after the invasion, but never came up with anything concrete. That left the USAID to create a policy on its own. They wanted to decentralize power away from Baghdad to the local level. Under Saddam, the Baath party was in control of all levels of government. The USAID wanted to break that hold. They wanted to create neighborhood councils that would create jobs, be in charge of reconstruction, and give common Iraqis a say in their government. When they presented their plans to a National Security Council subgroup on humanitarian issues in Iraq, their ideas were rejected. The official stance was the U.S. was not going to be doing nation building in Iraq, and USAID had just crossed that line.

The situation in Iraq after the invasion proved so chaotic, that the U.S. military began implementing some of the USAID’s plans without knowing it. American units wanted Iraqi partners in their area of operation. To find some they began building up local councils across the country. This was done on an ad hoc basis, as there were no orders from above on how to do it. In Mosul for example, General David Petraeus, who was then the commander of the 101st Airborne Division, set up a convention of 270 delegates from the city representing its diverse population, who in turn elected 24 city council members and a mayor. In Najaf, General James Conway of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force started organizing provincial elections, registering parties, finding candidates, etc. The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) had to step in at that point letting the general know that he could not carry out such a large undertaking because Iraq did not have an election law to legalize any voting. Some were far less representative and participatory. In the Karkh district of Baghdad only around 2,500 Iraqis of 30,000-35,000 showed up to vote for their council. In al-Kindi, fifty-five Iraqis elected 12 members to the council there. The U.S. military funded all of the councils they created, but believed that they would eventually hand them over to some other government body. That never happened, as the USAID lacked the money and personnel to deal with them. The U.S. military is still in charge of running these councils to this day.

The USAID was doing a similar job independent of the military. Iraq’s bureaucracy disappeared with the invasion. The tie between Baghdad and the rest of the country was severed in the process. The USAID tried to step in, offering three contracts to companies to create local councils. One company set up 22 offices across Iraq in the spring and summer of 2003 to complete this task. In April, the USAID also allocated $120 million to start local reconstruction that would assist these local groups. $61.7 million was spent in the end on 1,700 projects.

The U.S. military and USAID’s work eventually clashed with the CPA and the fledgling new Iraqi government. By 2005 437 neighborhood, 195 sub-district, and 96 district councils had been created by the Americans. CPA head Pual Bremer wanted to build a democracy in Iraq and decentralize power as well, but was more focused upon the provincial governments than local councils. The councils also ended up clashing with the Iraqi ministries and director generals over priorities and power.

This became more complicated after the two Iraqi elections in 2005. The provincial and parliamentary votes were closed list, meaning Iraqis voted for coalitions, which in turn picked the politicians. This was a blow to the U.S. military and USAID’s effort to empower local forces as the large national parties were in control of the process. The Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) and the two main Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) came out the major winners in both votes. They too wanted to disperse power outside of Baghdad, but into their hands. As the new rulers of the provincial councils and ministries they too came into conflict with the U.S. created councils over authority. A mid-2006 report by the Americans for example noted that the SIIC and its militia the Badr Brigade had tightened their grip on the provincial governments, and were against any new elections or reforms that would weaken their power. The result was that provinces and ministries largely refused to work with the U.S.-backed local councils.

By the time the Surge started in 2007, the situation had grown no better. Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) were created to build up local and provincial governance, reconciliation, and reconstruction. They spread out across Iraq and began working with the local and district councils. They still had no real authority in the Iraqi government however. They had a small budget to pay salaries, which they got from the Americans, and some small scale U.S.-funded rebuilding projects, but no real say in ordinances, taxes, larger reconstruction efforts, provincial councils, or Baghdad.

Today it seems like only the U.S. military still considers these councils relevant. Stars and Stripes reported that few Iraqis go to the councils. The Iraqi political parties ignore them as well. If Iraqis want something done they go to the U.S. or Iraqi security forces, sheikhs, or other local leaders. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is also intent upon recentralizing authority in his hands. The attempt to give everyday Iraqis a say in their government was an admirable move. Simply voting does not make a democracy. A culture and norms also have to be created. The local councils were a move in that direction, but they were another sign that the Americans cannot dictate to the Iraqis how to develop their society. For better or worse, the post-invasion Iraqi elites are now in control of this process. That will mean these councils will all but disappear when the U.S. leaves. After all, they will have no more money to run, and have never been able to integrate into the new Iraqi political system.

SOURCES

Special Inspector General For Iraq Reconstruction, “Hard Lessons,” 1/22/09

Warden, James, “Focus turns to matching old, new Iraqi institutions,” Stars and Stripes, 3/1/09
- “Local leaders are making a comeback in Iraq,” Stars and Stripes, 3/2/09

Iraq’s Debt And Borrowing Continues To Grow As Iran Conflict Persists

   The Iran War has thrown Iraq into a crisis. It depends upon oil exports to fund its government. While sales are increasing...