Review Iraq, A Report From The Inside

Hiro, Dilip, Iraq, A Report From The Inside, London: Granta Books, 2003

 

This book got two releases. It was originally published as Iraq, In The Eye of the Storm in 2002. Then it switched publishers and came out as Iraq, A Report From The Inside the next year. There was absolutely no difference between the two other than the title. Dilip Hiro was one of the few people consistently writing about Iraq from the 1980s-2000s. This book covers the country from the Gulf War to just before the 2003 invasion. The two most interesting parts were the plots against Saddam and the U.N. inspections.

Revised Review Iraq, In the Eye of the Storm

Revised Review Hiro, Dilip, Iraq, In the Eye of the Storm, New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press/Nation Books, 2002

Dilip Hiro was one of the few people consistently covering Iraq from the 1980s-2000s. Iraq In The Eye of the Storm covers the country from the Gulf War right up to before the 2003 invasion. Each chapter has a theme such as life for ordinary Iraqis under sanctions, the Iraqi opposition, the Kurds, the impact of 9/11, etc. The three most interesting parts were on the mid-1990s plots against Saddam, the coup proofing of the regime by Saddam, and the U.N. weapons inspections.

UN Inspectors and CIA Spying On Iraq In The 90s

On July 30, 2001, former U.N. weapons inspector chief Rolf Ekeus told Swedish Radio that the U.S. manipulated the inspections in the 1990s. Ekeus led the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) from 1991-97. He said that the U.S. spied upon the Iraqi security forces, tried to find the whereabouts of Saddam Hussein, and wanted to create crises that would justify American military action against Baghdad. At first, the U.S. was interested in disarming Iraq, but a year into the process as Saddam continuously refused to cooperate Washington decided to exploit the regime for its own purposes.

Allawi Iraq’s Absent Prime Minister

Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi took power in June 2004 as the Coalition Provisional Authority closed up shop. He had the support of both the United States and the United Nations envoy Lakhdar Brahimi. The Americans quickly found several issues with the new premier. One of them was Allawi’s constant trips outside of the country. National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice for example, noted that the prime minister was always flying around the region, and could not always be contacted. Rice asked, “Are we worried that Allawi is spending ten to eleven days [a month] outside the country?” Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Richard Myers agreed with Rice that Allawi’s constant foreign travel was an issue. The next year when Allawi was replaced as prime minister he left Iraq for nearly four years even though he was elected as a member of parliament. When his Iraqiya list won first place in the 2010 elections he again decided to take extended tours around the region thinking that would help his chance to become the prime minister once again, but that only backfired against him. Allawi’s Iraqi National List was created in 1990 with the help of the intelligence agencies of Turkey, the Gulf States, and the west. He has maintained those ties ever since hoping they would help his political career. Given most of those states antagonistic stance towards the new Iraq they have not served him well.

SOURCES

Allawi, Ali, The Occupation of Iraq, Winning The War, Losing the Peace, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007

BBC, “Profile: Iyad Allawi,” 3/27/10

Galbraith, Peter, “Iraq: The Bungled Transition,” New York Review of Books, 9/23/04

Gordon, Michael and Trainor, General Bernard, The Endgame, The Inside Story Of The Struggle For Iraq, From George W. Bush To Barack Obama, New York, Pantheon, 2012

End Of Big Alliances In Iraq’s 2014 Election?

 

Iraq’s last three elections for parliament were characterized by large alliances running for office. In 2005 for example all the religious Shiite parties and some smaller entities ran together as the United Iraqi Alliance and walked away with the most seats in the two votes held that year. Now Iraqi politics appear to be going through a progression as some major players have announced that they will run alone in the 2014 balloting. This might be a positive change for the country as lists are attempting to form their own individual identity rather than running in large coalitions where many different parties with different agendas held loose and often unwieldy alliances.

Two major lists from the 2010 vote, and perhaps a third have broken up. In the last parliamentary election there were four large coalitions that collected the vast majority of votes. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had his State of Law led by his Dawa and Deputy Premier Hussein Shahristani’s Independents. The Sadrists and Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) formed the National Alliance. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) were part of the Kurdish Alliance. Finally Iyad Allawi, Tariq Hashemi, Rafi Issawi, Osama and Atheel Nujafi, Saleh al-Mutlaq and others created the Iraqi National Movement (INM). The National Alliance and the National Movement are now no more, there have been reports that the Independents might leave State of Law, while the Kurdish parties are debating whether to run together or separately. Back in October 2013, Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List said that it would run alone in 2014. That was just stating the obvious as the INM had already come apart earlier in the year. Now Parliament Speaker Osama Nujafi’s Mutahidun, Deputy Premier Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraqi National Dialogue Front, and Jamal Karbuli’s Solution Movement will all run separately. In November, a spokesman for the Supreme Council and a parliamentarian from the Sadr bloc separately announced that they would be independent parties in 2014 marking the end of their National Alliance. Both claimed that the new electoral law did not favor large lists, and that’s what led to their decision. After the 2013 provincial vote the Sadrists claimed they had a strategic alliance with ISCI that would continue into next year’s election. That came after the two worked together to depose State of Law from several provinces such as Basra and Baghdad. Those two will likely cooperate after the election, but beforehand they will be separate. Maliki’s list may split as well. There was a report that Shahristani’s Independents is considering running separately. That party wants more seats, but State of Law lost standing in the 2013 election, which is making the Independents reconsider its alliance. At the same time, the Badr Organization is going to maintain its ties with Maliki. Badr joined State of Law for this year’s balloting. Finally, there are the Kurdish parties, which are trying to go in the other direction. In 2010 the PUK and KDP maintained their traditional alliance, but the three opposition parties, the Change List, the Kurdistan Islamic Union, and the Kurdistan Islamic Group went it alone. Now the KDP and PUK are trying to get them to all compete together. The Islamic Group has expressed tentative support for the idea saying that all the Kurdish parties need to run together in provinces with disputed areas like Tamim otherwise the Kurdish vote would be split. The Change List and Islamic Union however have accused the PUK and KDP of cheating in the 2013 election, and therefore are standoffish on any grand Kurdish list. That might mean the Kurdish Alliance is the only surviving major list left in 2014, but it will not be expanding. If this trend continues it will be an important change for Iraqi politics. Having these large lists was only meant to pool votes to gain power rather than bringing together like-minded parties. Dawa, the Supreme Council, and the Sadrists all had opposing views yet they joined together in 2005 under the United Alliance. Likewise the PUK and KDP still have different opinions about the future of Kurdistan and the country in general yet they are trying to keep up a united front for 2014. At the minimum parties running alone will provide the public with more choices next year.

Iraq’s government is still developing. At first, many divergent parties banded together usually on ethnosectarian grounds to get as many votes as possible. Now the lists appear to be going in the other direction. Many parties are still personal vehicles for their leaders rather than real political organizations, but developing their own individual messages and programs is an important change. More importantly there is no longer one large Shiite list, one large Sunni list, one large Kurdish list. Now there’s State of Law, the Sadrists, the Supreme Council, Fadhila, Mutahidun, the Iraqi National Dialogue Front, the Iraqi National List, the Change List, etc. to all pick from. That doesn’t mean communal based politics is dead, but it is a step away from it, which can only be a positive for the country’s future.  

SOURCES

Ahmed, Hevidar, “Kurdish Parties Divided Over Fighting Iraqi Elections as Single Bloc,” Rudaw, 11/12/13

AIN, “Sadr confirms: “No for granting Maliki 3^rd term,”” 11/12/13

- “Shihristani’s bloc discusses separating from Maliki’s Alliance next elections,” 11/13/13

Asharq Al-Awsat, “Iraq: Sadr and Hakim form new “strategic” alliance,” 7/11/13

- “Sadr: Terrorism rules Iraq,” 10/14/13

Habib, Mustafa, “the next leader of iraq? former extremist and Islamic cleric the most likely candidates,” Niqash, 11/7/13

Jawad, Haider Ali, “Muqtada al-Sadr criticized Maliki’s nomination for a third term, saying “I seek refuge with Allah,”” Buratha News, 10/27/13

National Iraqi News Agency, “Ahrar bloc will enter individually in all provinces in the upcoming parliamentary elections,” 11/16/13

- “Ahrar MP warns from nominating Maliki for a third term,” 8/6/13

- “Citizen bloc intends to enter the upcoming parliamentary elections in an individual list,” 11/16/13

- “Sadr explains that his refusal to renew the mandate of a third term for al-maliki does not include members of his party,” 11/16/13

Radio Nawa, “Iraqi List decides to contest the next parliamentary elections alone,” 10/19/13

Al Rafidayn, “Sadrists and coalition with state of law ‘impossible’ if insist on Maliki third term,” 9/3/13

- “Source: Allawi fails to revive his ‘Sunni’ alliances .. The agreement with the ‘Shiite Islamists’ weak,” 9/2/13

Shafaq News, “Ameri’s bloc resolves its electoral decision by allying with State of law,” 11/16/13

A Closer Look At Adnan Janabi, The New Head Of Iraq’s Oil Committee

Adnan Janabi meeting with Pres. Talabani in 2009 (Iraqi National News Agency)

On February 10, 2011 Adnan Abdul-Munim Rashid Janabi was named the head of the oil committee in the new Iraqi parliament. Janabi received his chairmanship as part of a deal between his Iraqi National Movement and the Kurdish Coalition who received control of the legal committee in return. This was actually the second time that Janabi held this position, as he was a Baathist, and leading petroleum official in Saddam Hussein’s government.

Adnan Janabi’s family is the head of the Janabi tribe in Babil. The Janabis were favored by Saddam, who turned towards tribes for support and internal security during the Iran-Iraq War and again after the Gulf War. Adnan was actually an urban technocrat, who had little say in his tribe’s affairs.

Janabi was western educated, and rose up the Baathist ranks under Saddam. He went to school in England, where he received a degree in economics. In the 1970s he became the head of marketing at the Oil Ministry, and then the head of its foreign relations in the 1980s. He became the Iraqi representative to OPEC in their Vienna offices as a result. In 1996 he was elected to the Iraqi parliament, where he was appointed the head of the oil committee for the first time. During that period he also received oil vouchers from Saddam, which was a means for the regime to break United Nations sanctions and restrictions on their oil sales. With the vouchers, Janabi and others could receive oil at discounted prices, and then resell it for a profit. 

After the 2003 invasion, Janabi became part of Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List. In 2004 Janabi was named Minister of State in Allawi’s interim government. The next year he was named to the deputy head of the committee drafting the new Iraqi constitution, and helped include more Sunnis in that body. At the end of 2005, he was a candidate for the Iraqi Nationalist List, and ran Allawi’s election campaign where he was accused of attempting to bribe reporters. Janabi, along with 90 others, was then banned by the deBaathification Commission. The deBaathification law said that officials could be barred for enriching themselves under Saddam, which Janabi did by receiving the oil vouchers. He was then cleared.

A similar series of events happened to him in 2010. Again, he ran as part of an Allawi led list, the Iraqi National Movement, and again he was barred by the Accountability and Justice Commission that replaced the deBaathification Commission. He was still on the ballot however, and received just over 6,000 votes in Baghdad. Afterward, Janabi was cleared, barred again, and then cleared once more for his Baathist past. That led to the confirmation of his election to office, and his eventual return to the powerful oil committee.

Adnan Janabi has had a charmed life. He rose through the ranks of Saddam’s Iraq, and spent nearly thirty years in the oil industry, both with the Oil Ministry and the oil committee in parliament. The fall of the former regime, was not as much of a setback as one would expect for an ex-Baathist. By joining Allawi’s Iraqi National List, he was able to gain new prominent positions, such as being the deputy head of the constitutional committee. Even when he was twice targeted for his Baathist past in 2005 and 2010, he was able to be cleared due to his close connections to Allawi. He is now back to being the head of the oil committee fifteen years after his first stay as chairman. Rather than being a sign of redemption or political reconciliation in the new Iraq, Janabi represents the political compromises and backroom deals between the country’s powerful elite that really characterize the country today.

SOURCES

BBC, “Iraq aide quits over US conduct,” 1/12/05

Danly, James & Sullivan, Marisa Cochrane, “Iraqi Candidate Disqualification Update,” Institute for the Study of War, 4/29/10

Kazimi, Nibras, “Gesture Towards Ba’athists,” Talisman Gate, 11/30/05

Lando, Ben, “Iraqiya nets Parliament oil committee leadership,” Iraq Oil Report, 2/10/11

Mosher, Andy and Fekeiki, Omar, “Accord on Sunni involvement in constitution,” San Francisco Chronicle, 6/17/05

Oppel, Richard, “Iraqi Court Bars at Least 90 Candidates,” New York Times, 12/25/05

Otterman, Sharon, “IRAQ: The interim government leaders,” Council on Foreign Relations, 6/2/04

Raghavan, Sudarsan, “New Leaders Of Sunnis Make Gains In Influence,” Washington Post, 1/8/08

Smith, R. Jeffrey and Lynch, Colum, “Hussein used oil to erode sanctions,” San Francisco Chronicle, 10/9/04

Visser, Reidar, “Maliki vs Lami, Maliki/Lami vs Allawi(Update),” Iraq And Gulf Analysis, 4/29/10

Partial Iraqi Cabinet Approved By Parliament (REVISED)

On December 21, 2010 Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki walked into parliament, rattled off the names of 29 minister nominees, who were then elected by a hand vote by lawmakers. The group then posed for pictures, and the event was over. In those few minutes Iraq took its first step towards having a new acting government.

13 of the 42 ministries still don’t have heads. These include some of the most hotly contested positions such as Defense, Interior, National Security, and Electricity. Maliki is running the security ministries, while newly elected officials are in charge of the rest. The premier has promised to fill all of the posts before the December 25 deadline to form a new government. This was similar to Maliki’s first coalition announced in 2006 when the security ministries were also not filled until almost a month after the initial cabinet was put together.

Despite the Prime Minister’s calls for qualified and competent nominees for each ministry, his new cabinet was cobbled together in just a few hours before they were announced publicly. Maliki later said he didn’t even know anything about some of the officials.

The positions in the new government were distributed by the size of each winning list. The State of Law-Sadrist led Iraqi National Coalition walked away with the most positions as they were the largest bloc. It received the premiership, deputy premier for energy, deputy speaker of parliament, and 21 ministries, seven of which are temporary. Within the list, Maliki’s State of Law got 13 offices, five of which are temporary, the Sadrists received seven posts, two of which are temporary, Fadhila two, and the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council and Hezbollah Iraq won one each. Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National Movement was next with eleven, followed by nine for the Kurdish Coalition, three of which are temporary, two for the Centrist Alliance, and one for the Assyrian Democratic Movement, a Christian party. Allawi is also going to head the new National Council for Strategic Policy, but it has to be created by new legislation passed by parliament.

Along with ministries, the major Kurdish parties also walked away from the day with a promise by Maliki to fulfill their 19 demands. The prime minister signed onto the 19-points just before the cabinet was made public. The list includes implementation of Article 140 that will determine the future of Kirkuk and other disputed areas and resolving the Kurds’ oil deals. Later the Kurdish Coalition claimed that Maliki pledged to follow through with Article 140 within two years. The previous two administrations made the same deal with the Kurds, but never followed through. Whether Maliki will this time around is one of the most important decisions he will be making because it involves such divisive topics that it could derail his entire government.

On the other hand, the Kurdish opposition group the Change List, ended up leaving the new government. They demanded two service ministries and a deputy premiership, but were only offered one. Disappointed, they decided to go into the opposition instead, claiming that the Iraqi National Coalition tried to marginalize them, while the Kurdish Coalition was pressuring them to rejoin their list. This marked the first time a winning party in post-2003 Iraq has not wanted to partake in the spoils of power.

Overall, Maliki’s new ruling coalition is a mixed bag. Unlike his 2006 government, Allawi, Sunni, and nationalist parties, will have a much larger role this time around. At the same time, there are so many entities involved that they had to create new positions just to satisfy all of them. The major blocs also come with competing agendas over Iraq’s major issues such as oil, federalism, security, and the disputed territories. That will mean the new government will act much like the last one with deadlock, indecision, and procrastination on the problems that beset the country. That may also allow the premier to continue to consolidate his hold on power as he did last time. The near future in Iraq, may look a lot like the recent past.

New Iraqi Government

Top Posts

• Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, Dawa, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition, and acting Minister of Defense, Interior, and National Security
• President Jalal al-Talabani, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Kurdish Coalition
• Speaker of Parliament Osama Nujafi, Iraqi National List, Iraqi National Movement

Deputies

• Deputy Premier Saleh al-Mutlaq, Iraqi National Dialogue Front, Iraqi National Movement
• Deputy Premier Roj Nouri Shaways, Kurdistan Democratic Party, Kurdish Coalition, and acting Minister of Trade
• Deputy Premier for Energy Hussein al-Shahristani, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition, and acting Minister of Electricity
• Deputy Speaker of Parliament Qusay Abdul Wahab Suhail, Sadr, Iraqi National Coalition 
• Deputy Speaker of Parliament Aref Tayfour, Kurdistan Democratic Party, Kurdish Coalition

Cabinet

• Minister of Agriculture, Izz al-Din al-Dawla, Iraqi National List, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Communication Muhammad Tawfaq Allawi, Iraqi National List, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Culture Sadoun Dulaimi, Unity of Iraq, Centrist Alliance
• Minister of Education Muhammad Tamim, Iraqi National Dialogue Front, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Environment Sargon Sliwa Lazar, Assyrian Democratic Movement
• Minister of Finance Rafi Issawi, National Future Gathering, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Foreign Affairs Hoshyar Zebari, Kurdistan Democratic Party, Kurdish Coalition, and acting Minister for Women Affairs
• Minister of Health Muhammad Amin, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Kurdish Coalition
• Minister of Higher Education Ali al-Adeeb, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition, and Acting Minister of National Reconciliation
• Minister of Housing Muhammad Darraji, Sadr, Iraqi National Coalition, and acting Minister of Public Works
• Minister of Human Rights Muhammad Shaia’a Sudani, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition 
• Minister of Immigration and Displacement Dindar Shafiqq, Kurdistan Islamic Union, Kurdish Coalition, and acting Minister of Civil Society
• Minister of Industry Ahmad Nasser al-Dali Karbuli, Renewal List, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Justice Hasan Shammari, Fadhila, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of Labor Nassar Rubaie, Sadr, Iraqi National Coalition, and acting Minister Of Planning
• Minister of Oil Abdul Karim Luaibi, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of Science and Technology Abdul Karim al-Samarraie, Renewal List, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Sports Jasim Muhammad Jaffar, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of State Salah Muzahim Darwish, Iraqi National Dialogue Front, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of State Abdul al-Mahdi al-Mutayri, Sadr, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of State Salah Jabouri, Iraqi National Dialogue Front, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of State Hassan al-Sari, Hezbollah Iraq, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of State Bushra Hussain Saleh, Fadhila, Iraqi National Coalition 
• Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Ali al-Sajri, Unity of Iraq, Centrist Alliance
• Minister of State for Government Spokesmanship Ali al-Dabbagh, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Safi al-Din al-Safi, State of Law, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of State for Provincial Affairs Turan Matthaw Hassan, Iraqi Turkmen Front, Iraqi National Movement 
• Minister of State for Tribal Affairs Jamal Batikh, Iraqi National Movement
• Minister of Tourism Lewaa Smisam, Sadr, Iraqi National Coalition
• Minister of Transportation Hadi al-Ameri, Badr Organization/Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, Iraqi National Coalition

Positions By List

• Iraqi National Coalition: Prime Minister, Deputy Premier for Energy, Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ministries of Defense (temp), Education, Electricity (temp), Housing, Human Rights, Interior (temp), Justice, Labor, National Reconciliation (temp), National Security (temp), Oil, Planning (temp), Public Works (temp), Sports, State x3, State for Foreign Affairs, State for Government Spokesmanship, State for Parliamentary Affairs, Tourism, Transportation - 21 ministries total, 7 temporary

1. State of Law: Prime Minister, Deputy Premier for Energy, Ministries of Defense (temp), Education, Electricity (temp), Human Rights, Interior (temp), National Reconciliation (temp), National Security (temp), Oil, Sports, State for Government Spokesmanship, State for Parliamentary Affairs - 11 ministries total, 5 temporary
2. Sadrists: Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ministries of Housing, Labor, Planning (temp), Public Works (temp), State, Tourism - 6 ministries total, 2 temporary
3. Fadhila: Ministries of Justice, State - 2 ministries total
4. Hezbollah Iraq: Ministry of State - 1 ministry total
5. Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council: Ministry of Transportation - 1 ministry total

• Iraqi National Movement: Speaker of Parliament, Deputy Premier, Ministries of Agriculture, Communication, Education, Finance, Industry, Science and Technology, State x2, State for Provincial Affairs, State for Tribal Affairs - 10 ministries total

1. Iraqi National List: Speaker of Parliament, Ministries of Agriculture, Communication - 2 ministries total
2. Iraqi National Dialogue Front: Deputy Premier, Ministries of Education, State x2 - 3 ministries total
3. National Future Gathering: Ministry of Finance - 1 ministry total
4. Renewal List: Ministries of Industry, Science and Technology - 2 ministries total
5. Iraqi Turkmen Front: Minister of State for Provincial Affairs - 1 ministry total

• Kurdish Coalition: President, Deputy Premier, Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ministries of Civil Society (temp), Foreign Affairs, Health, Immigration and Displacement, Trade (temp), Women Affairs (temp) - 6 ministries total, 3 temporary

1. Kurdistan Democratic Party: Deputy Premier, Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Trade (temp), Women Affairs (temp) - 3 ministries total, 2 temporary
2. Patriotic Union of Kurdistan: President, Ministry of Health - 1 ministry total
3. Kurdistan Islamic Union: Ministries of Civil Society (temp), Immigration and Displacement - 2 ministries total, 1 temporary

• Centrist Alliance: Ministry of Culture, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs - 2 ministries total
• Assyrian Democratic Movement: Ministry of Environment - 1 ministry total

SOURCES

Agence France Presse, “A lone woman in Iraq’s new cabinet,” 12/21/10

Alaadin, Ranj, “#Iraq names cabinet – finally,” Ranj Alaaldin Blog, 12/21/10

Ali, Yaser, "KBC: Maliki signs agreement to Kurdish conditions," AK News, 12/21/10

Ali, Saman, "Maliki signed to implement article 140 in two years," AK News, 12/21/10

Ashur TV, “Ashur t.v. Interview with Mr. Sargon Lazar, of Foreign the Assyrian Democratic Movement,”  Christians Of Iraq, 2/29/08

Aswat al-Iraq, “Nejeifi named parl. Speaker, Suhail and Tayfour deputies,” 11/11/10
- “The new cabinet line-up announced by al-Maliki,” 12/21/10
- "North Iraq Kurdistan's "Change" Bloc withdraws from new cabinet," 12/21/10

BBC, “Iraqi parliamentary approves new government,” 12/21/10

Chulov, Martin, "Iraq names cabinet after nine-month power struggle," Guardian, 12/21/10

Healy, Jack, "Cleric's Anti-U.S. Forces Poised for Gains in Iraq," New York Times, 12/19/10

Ibrahim, Haider, “No minister assigned without my consent says Maliki,” AK News, 11/27/10

Katzman, Kenneth, "Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks," Congressional Research Service, 4/22/09
- "Iraq: Reconciliation and Benchmarks," Congressional Research Service, 5/12/08

Kazmi, Haider, "Maliki spoke frankly and undermine his confidence: I am not convinced I do not know anything about some ministers," Al-Aalem, 12/21/10

Long, Austin, “Why Anbar voted for Allawi,” Foreign Policy, 4/5/10

Omaima, Younis, “Iraqiya got 9 ministries and the Sadrists 8, and 6 for the Kurds, and only 4 of the State of Law,” Al-Aalem, 12/21/10

Surk, Barbara and Abdul-Zahra, Qassim, "Iraq finally has a new government," Associated Press, 12/21/10

Visser, Reidar, “Change Inside Iraqiyya?” Iraq And Gulf Analysis, 11/14/10
- “Parliament Approves the Second Maliki Government,” Historiae, 12/21/10

Wikipedia, “Rafi al-Issawi”

VP Hashemi Shoots Himself In The Foot With Veto Of Iraqi Election Law

On November 8, 2009 Iraq’s parliament finally passed an election bill after weeks of delay. Ten days later Vice President Tarqi al-Hashemi vetoed it. Hashemi objected to the fact that Iraq’s refugees, the majority of which are Sunnis, would have their votes go towards only eight compensatory seats that would also be shared with smaller parties that didn’t get enough votes at the provincial level, but did well nationally. The Iraqi Election Commission says that there should be one seat in parliament for every 100,000 people, and it’s generally believed that there are at least 2 million Iraqi refugees. The problem was that the Vice President tried to portray his act as a line-item veto, demanding a change in the number of seats set aside for refugees, while claiming that the rest of the bill should not be touched. This is not allowed under Iraqi law however. What his veto did in effect, was open the election bill to the demands of other parties that undermined his own goals.

As reported before, the Kurdish Alliance in parliament objected to the proposed increase in the parliamentary seats from 275 to 323 because the three Kurdish provinces got few to no new seats. Kurdistan Regional Government President Massoud Barzani even went as far as to threaten a Kurdish boycott unless the arrangements were changed. By vetoing the election bill, Hashemi empowered the Kurds to negotiate this very issue.

They aligned with the two major Shiite blocks, the Prime Minister’s State of Law and the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, to pass an amendment on November 23 to the election bill. It skips Hashemi’s request for an increase in seats for refugees, by counting their votes as part of the provinces they were originally from, and rearranges the parliamentary seat allocations by province by using older 2005 statistics with a 2.8% increase for recent population growth, rather than 2009 numbers. Using the 2009 figures, Sunni provinces such as Ninewa were due for large increases in seats, but those will now go the Kurds instead. This suits the Shiite parties as well that were not enthusiastic about any extra seats in Sunni provinces.

Vice President Hashemi’s veto has thus backfired. He not only didn’t get the increases he requested for refugees, but the amendment reduces Sunni chances to get a larger say in parliament. When the changes were voted on members of the Iraqi Accordance Front, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List, and some Sadrists walked out. This will likely lead to another veto by Hashemi. The head of the Iraqi Election Commission said on November 19 that elections would be delayed because they can’t happen at the end of January 2010 as planned because that would coincide with Shiite religious ceremonies, while the constitution says that voting must be held no later than January 31. What is probably going to happen is that parliament will attempt to overturn Hashemi’s second expected veto, they need a three-fifths vote and the bill will become law, balloting will be held in February, and a caretaker government will have to be announced in the meantime. This all shows that Iraq is barely a country of laws as its politicians rarely if ever meet any deadlines, whether they’re self-imposed or in the constitution.

SOURCES

Arraf, Jane, “Iraq election official: Even if Kurdish boycott averted, January deadline impossible,” Christian Science Monitor, 11/20/09

Bakri, Nada, “Iraq’s parliament approves amended election law,” Washinogton Post, 11/23/09

Ibrahim, Waleed, “Iraqi parliament fails to reach election deal,” Reuters, 11/22/09

Londono, Ernesto, and Mizher, Qais, “Iraqi parliament passes election law after reaching deal on Kirkuk,” Washington Post, 11/9/09

Nordland, Rod, “Veto of Iraq’s Election Law Could Force Delay in Vote,” New York Times, 11/19/09

Roads To Iraq, “What happened today?” 11/23/09

Visser, Reidar, “Constitutional Disintegration,” Iraq And Gulf Analysis, 11/19/09
- “The Hashemi Veto Backfires, Parliament Ups the Ante,” Iraq and Gulf Analysis, 11/23/09

Neo-Baathist-Nationalist Coalition Announced

October 31, 2009 was the deadline to register coalitions for the 2010 parliamentary elections. On that day a new list called the Iraqi National Movement was announced made up of parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq of the National Dialogue Council, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi of the Iraqi National List, and Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi. He was the former leader of the Iraqi Islamic Party, but left to form his own Renewal List. Hashemi had been in negotiations with Allawi and Mutlaq since August, and there were talks with Interior Minister Jawad Bolani and his Constitution Party. He chose to join Sheikh Ahmad Abu Risha of Anbar to form the Unity Alliance instead. Allawi was also courted by the major Shiite coalition, the Iraqi National Alliance. Hashemi may be responsible for the Awakening Councils of Diyala joining the Iraqi National Movement as well. The Islamic Party successfully co-opted the Sons of Iraq/Awakening movement in Diyala in 2007-2008, which helped their Iraqi Accordance Front List to come in first place in the 2009 elections there.

The Iraqi National Movement includes both Shiites, Allawi, and Sunnis, Mutlaq and Hashemi, but its main appeal is to Baathists and nationalists. Since the U.S. invasion Mutlaq and Allawi have consistently pushed for the inclusion and rehabilitation of former army officers from Saddam’s time along with Baathists. Hashemi on the other hand has roots with the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group that originated in Egypt, which gave birth to the Iraqi Islamic Party. All three also call for a strong central government, and to limit outside influences, especially from Iran.

Overall, the Iraqi National Movement is a medium sized coalition. In the 2009 provincial elections, Mutlaq and Allawi won 45 seats, accounting for 10.2% of the total. Allawi’s List gained seats in both the largely Sunni west and north, and a spattering across Shiite southern Iraq as well, and became part of the ruling coalitions in Babil, Qadisiyah, and Salahaddin. Mutlaq only gained representation in Sunnis areas, and came in second in Anbar where his party got the head of the council. In comparison, Maliki’s State of Law list won 140 seats, 31.8%, the Supreme Council got 55 seats, 12.5%, the Sadrists 41 seats, 9.3%, and former Prime Minister Ibrahima al-Jaafari 23 seats, 5.2%. Together those last three have formed the new Iraqi National Alliance, and got 119 seats total, 27.0%. The real importance of the Iraqi National Movement will be seen after the election, as no coalition is likely to even come out with a plurality. That will mean a huge amount of back door dealing and negotiations to name a new government, which will likely take months as it did the last two times Iraq went through that process.

Allawi and Mutlaq’s Showing In The 2009 Provincial Elections

Total Provincial Seats: 440

Allawi’s Iraqi National List – Provinces (# of seats)
Anbar (2)
Babil (3)
Baghdad (5)
Basra (2)
Diyala (3)
Qadisiyah (3)
Salahaddin (5)
Wasit (3)
TOTAL: 26, 5.9%

Mutlaq’s Iraqi National Project – Provinces (# of seats)
Anbar (6)
Baghdad (4)
Diyala (6)
Salahaddin (3)
TOTAL: 19, 4.3%

SOURCES

Agence France Presse, “Iraqi VP joins forces with ex-PM to form new bloc,” 10/28/09

Alsumaria, “New Iraq political coalition in the offing,” 8/24/09

Aswat al-Iraq, “Iraq’s Unity Alliance formally announced,” 10/21/09
- “VP announces new list for upcoming parliamentary elections,” 9/12/09

Iraq The Model, “Accord Front Collapses, Sunni Tribes Seek Shiite Allies,” 8/15/09

Al Jazeera, “Iraqi parties form new coalition,” 10/31/09

Roads To Iraq, “The National Movement,” 10/31/09

Visser, Reidar, “Allawi-Mutlak: Consolidation at the Centre of Iraqi Politics,” Ira and Gulf Analysis, 10/27/09

Breaking Down Iraq’s New Provincial Councils

More information is emerging on Iraq’s new provincial governments. Initial reports were focused upon the victory of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law List and the defeat of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC). State of Law walked away with nine provinces, all but one of which the SIIC previously controlled. Maliki’s ticket only won majorities in Baghdad and Basra however, which meant they needed coalitions to rule. This has opened the door to some new parties gaining power.

In 2005 four major parties ended up controlling all but one of Iraq’s governorships. In the first provincial elections after the U.S. invasion the Supreme Council came out the big winner. Seven southern provinces, Babil, Dhi Qar, Diyala, Karbala, Muthanna, Najaf, Qadisiyah, plus Baghdad had SIIC governors. The Kurdish Alliance of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan won in Dohuk, Irbil, Salahaddin, Sulaymaniya, and Tamim. They also elected an Arab independent in Ninewa as governor. After them, Sadrists became governors in Maysan and Wasit, the Iraqi Islamic Party took control in Anbar, and the Sadrist breakaway group the Fadhila Party took the governorship in Basra. Fadhila was the only new and minor party amongst the five that took power that year.

In 2009 only fourteen of Iraq’s eighteen provinces held elections. Of those, State of Law came out on top in nine, but only had a majority of seats in Basra and Baghdad. In those two they were able to name their own members as governors. They also put together coalitions in Dhi Qar, Karbala, Maysan, Qadisiyah, and Wasit to take the top executive positions there. In Muthanna however the council was deadlocked between the State of Law and the Supreme Council’s Al Mihrab Martyr List, until a member of Maliki’s List defected to the SIIC, giving them the governor. The competition between State of Law and the Supreme Council also allowed the Sadrists’ Independent Trend of the Noble Ones in Babil and the local list Loyalty to Najaf to gain the governorships in those two provinces. These deals show that the old Shiite United Iraqi Alliance is dead, and that the former allies Maliki’s Dawa Party and the Supreme Council are now rivals for power with the Prime Minister being in the ascendancy. Even then, his list only came away with pluralities in seven provinces meaning he doesn’t have unfettered control of the south, as seen in the fact that he was forced to give three other parties the top spots in Babil, Muthanna, and Najaf.

Of the remaining four provinces, new parties were the norm. The 2005 Sunni boycott allowed the Iraqi Islamic Party to win in Anbar. In that year however, the first rifts emerged between the province’s tribes and insurgents and Al Qaeda in Iraq. This force later became known as the Awakening. Three young sheikhs, Abu Risha, Hayes, and Sulaiman emerged as the movement’s leaders. They would eventually become rivals and each would run separately in the 2009 vote. Abu Risha’s Awakening of Iraq and Independents ended up winning the most seats and named the governor. Something similar happened in Ninewa. In 2005 the Kurds took power there as the Sunnis largely stayed away from the polls. Their rule, large-scale violence, and lack of services created a lot of resentment that allowed the Al-Hadbaa List to win a majority. These were the two newcomers to Iraq’s political stage.

The one exception was the Iraqi Accordance Front, led by Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi’s Iraqi Islamic Party (IIP). While the IIP lost control of Anbar to Abu Risha’s Awakening List, they were able to take advantage of the increased Sunni turnout in 2009 to gain the governorships in Diyala and Salahaddin. In Diyala the Accordance Front joined with their old allies the Kurds and the Supreme Council, while in Salahaddin, they allied with former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List.

There was even more diversity when one looks at what parties were named the head of each council. Nine lists were able to win or maneuver into those posts. While State of Law gained seven governorships, they only took four council heads in Baghdad, Basra, Najaf, and Qadisiyah. In Maysan and Wasit State of Law had to join with the Supreme Council and in return gave them the council heads there. Similarly the Sadrists in Babil, ex-Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari’s National Reform Movement in Dhi Qar, and the local List Hope of Rafidain traded their support with State of Law for the top council position. In Anbar, Abu Risha’s Awakening List joined with parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraqi National Project, the Kurdish Alliance in Diyala and former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List in Salahaddin allied with the Iraqi Accordance Front to gain the head of council seats. In Ninewa, al-Hadbaa won a majority so they were able to name both the governor and the council chief.

Iraq’s provinces are still dominated by the four major parties, Maliki’s Dawa and its State of Law List, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, the Kurdish Alliance, and the Iraqi Accordance Front. Those four control ten of fourteen governors and half of the council heads. At the same time only in Baghdad, Basra, and Ninewa did the victorious parties have a majority. That meant coalitions needed to be formed in all the rest. That allowed the Supreme Council, which seemed like the biggest loser to gain the governorship of Muthanna and force Maliki to give them the head of council in Maysan and Wasit. It also opened space for smaller parties like the Sadrists, the Loyalty to Najaf, the Iraqi National Project, the National Reform Movement, the Iraqi National List, and the Hope of Rafidain to gain important positions. Al Hadbaa was the only other party to win a majority, and now securely controls all the top spots in Ninewa. Now these parties need to prove that they can rule. Something that will be complicated by a slashed budget, and raised public expectations. What Iraqis think about their performances could be known within the year as parliamentary elections are expected, which are likely to re-arrange the country’s national politics like the provincials did for local ones.

Comparing Control of Governorships 2005 to 2009

2005 Governors By Parties - Provinces
Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council – Babil, Baghdad, Dhi Qar, Diyala, Karbala, Muthanna, Najaf, Qadisiyah
Kurdistan Democratic Party (Kurdish President Barzani) – Dohuk, Irbil, Tamim
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (President Talabani) - Sulaymaniya
Kurdish Alliance (Barzani and Talabani) - Salahaddin
Independent (Backed by Kurdish Alliance) – Ninewa
Sadrists - Maysan, Wasit
Iraqi Islamic Party (Vice President Hashemi) – Anbar
Fadhila Party – Basra

2009 Governors By Parties - Provinces
State of Law (Prime Minister Maliki) – Baghdad, Basra, Dhi Qar, Karbala, Maysan, Qadisiyah, Wasit
Iraqi Accordance Front (Vice President Hashemi) – Diyala, Salahaddin
Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council - Muthanna
Sadrists – Babil
Awakening of Iraq and Independents (Sheikh Abu Risha) –Anbar
Al-Hadbaa List - Ninewa
Loyalty to Najaf - Najaf

2009 Heads of Councils By Parties - Provinces
State of Law (Prime Minister Maliki) – Baghdad, Basra, Najaf, Qadisiyah
Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council – Maysan, Wasit
Sadrists – Babil
Kurdish Alliance - Diyala
Iraqi National Project (Parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq)– Anbar
National Reform Movement (Ex-Prime Minister Jaafari) – Dhi Qar
Iraqi National List (Ex-Prime Minister Allawi) - Salahaddin
Al-Hadbaa List – Ninewa
Hope of Rafidain – Karbala

SOURCES

Ali, Fadhil, “Sunni Rivalries in al-Anbar Province Threaten Iraq’s Security,” Terrorism Focus, Jamestown Foundation, 3/11/08

Associated Press, “Iraqi provincial election results,” 2/19/09

Farrell, Stephen, “Election: Preliminary Results,” Baghdad Bureau Blog, New York Times, 2/5/09

Knights, Michael and McCarthy, Eamon, “Provincial Politics in Iraq: Fragmentation or New Awakening?” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, April 2008

Raghavan, Sudarsan, Shadid, Anthony and London, Ernesto, “Maliki Supporters Post Election Gains,” Washington Post, 2/3/09

Visser, Reidar, “Maliki Suffers Setbacks as Samarrai is Confirmed as New Speaker and More Governors Are Elected South of Baghdad,” Historiae.org, 4/19/09
- “Mixed Outcome for Maliki as Muthanna and Najaf Elect New Governors,” Historiae.org, 5/1/09

Zelikow, Philip, “The new strategic situation in Iraq,” Foreign Policy Online, 2/9/09

All Of Iraq’s New Provincial Councils Named (UPDATED)

It took over two months, but Iraq finally has named all fourteen of its new provincial councils. Muthanna was the last one to take this step, voting on governor, head of council, and deputies on April 30, 2009. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law List, won in nine of fourteen provinces. His List was able to put together ruling coalitions in eight of those, plus Karbala. State of Law won majorities in Baghdad and Basra, so no alliances were necessary there. In Babil, Dhi Qar, Karbala, and Qadisiyah State of Law found new allies in nationalist, independent, and local parties the Sadrists, the Iraqi National List of former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, the National Reform Movement of ex-Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari, the Hope of Rafidain, the Civil Society List, and independent Youssef al-Habboubi. In Maysan, Najaf and Wasit however, State of Law joined with the Supreme Council’s Al Mihrab Martyr List. The SIIC was also able to out maneuver Maliki’s List and take control of Muthanna. In Anbar, the Awakening List of Sheikh Ahmed Abu Risha along with parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraqi National Project won, while the old bloc of the Iraqi Accordance Front, the Kurdish Alliance and the Supreme Council are the new rulers in Diyala. The Iraqi Accordance Front also gained control of Salahaddin, while the al-Hadbaa party in Ninewa was the only new list to emerge victorious from the balloting. Overall, a mix of old and new coalitions runs the new provincial councils, but the large established parties predominate.

Four provinces have still not held elections, and no dates have been set for them. The election law postponed voting in Tamim until a special committee was to come up with suggestions on how to conduct them there. They were supposed to have finished their work by March 31, but that deadline passed and there are no reports that they are close to completing their task. The three provinces of Kurdistan, Dohuk, Irbil, and Sulaymaniya, have also not had any voting. The Kurdistan Regional Government claimed that it was up to them to set a date for balloting there. Now they are saying they need to elect a new Kurdish parliament before they can have provincial elections. A specific time for those has not been announced yet, but they are expected sometime in mid-July 2009.

Winners By Seats In Provinces:
State of Law – Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki – Babil, Baghdad, Basra, Dhi Qar, tied for 1st Maysan, Muthanna, Najaf, Qadisiyah, Wasit
Al-Mihrab Martyr – Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council – Tied for 1st Maysan, Muthanna, Najaf
Iraqi Accordance Front – Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi – Diyala, tied for 1st Salahaddin
Awakening of Iraq and Independents – Sheikh Abu Risha – Anbar
Al-Hadbaa – Ninewa
Iraqi National List – Former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi – Tied for 1st Salahaddin
Youssef Majid al-Habboubi – Independent – Karbala

Major Players In Ruling Coalitions By Province:
State of Law – Babil, Baghdad, Basra, Dhi Qar, Qadisiyah, Wasit
State of Law and Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council – Maysan, Najaf
State of Law and Hope of Rafidain – Karbala
Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council - Muthanna
Iraqi Accordance Front – Diyala, Salahaddin
Awakening of Iraq and Independents – Anbar
Al-Hadbaa - Ninewa

Note: Not all the members of the ruling coalitions are known. What are listed are those that have been reported so far.

Anbar – 29 seats
Governor Qaseem Muhammad – Independent/Awakening of Iraq and Independents
Head of Council Jassem Mohammed Hamad – Iraqi National Project
Ruling Coalition
Awakening of Iraq and Independents – 8 seats
Iraqi National Project – 6 seats
4 other unnamed parties

Babil – 30 seats
Governor Salman Hassan al-Zarkani - Independent Trend of the Noble Ones
1st Deputy Governor Iskander Wattout – Civil Society List
2nd Deputy Governor Sadeq al-Mhanna – National Reform Party
Head of Council - ? - Independent Trend of the Noble Ones
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 8 seats
Civil Society List – 3 seats
Independent Trend of the Noble Ones (Sadrists) – 3 seats
Iraqi National List – 3 seats
National Reform Party – 3 seats

Baghdad – 57 seats
Governor Salah Abd al-Razzaq – State of Law
2nd Deputy Governor Kamil Saeed al-Saeedi – State of Law
Head of Council Kamil al-Zaydi – State of Law
Deputy Head of Council Thamir Riyad al-Addad – State of Law
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 28 seats

Basra – 35 seats
Governor Shitagh Abbud – State of Law
Head of Council Jabbar Amin – State of Law
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 20 seats

Dhi Qar – 31 seats
Governor Taleb Kazem Abdulkarim al-Hassan – State of Law
Deputy Governor Hassa Layoos - ?
2nd Deputy Governor Haydar Bunyan - ?
Head of Council Qusai al-Ibadi - National Reform Movement
Deputy Head of Council Abdulhadi Mohan – State of Law
Ruling Coalition
State of Law - 13 seats
Independent Trend of the Noble Ones (Sadrists) - 7 seats
National Reform Movement - 4 seats

Diyala – 29 seats
Governor Abdulnasir al-Muntasirbillah – Iraqi Accordance Front
Deputy Governor – Furat Mohammed – Diyala Coalition
Head of Council Taleb Mohammed Hassan – Kurdish Alliance
Ruling Coalition
Iraqi Accordance Front – 9 seats
Kurdish Alliance – 6 seats
Diyala Coalition (SIIC) – 2 seats

Karbala – 27 seats
Governor Amaleddin Majeed Hameed Kadhem – State of Law
1st Deputy Governor Abbas al-Musawi – Hope of Rafidain
2nd Deputy Governor Youssefl al-Habboubi – Independent
Head of Council Amal al-Rafidayn – Hope of Rafidain
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 9 seats
Hope of Rafidain – 9 seats
Youssef al-Habboubi – 1 seat

Maysan – 27 seats
Governor Muhammad al-Sudani – State of Law
Head of Council ? – Al-Mihrab Martyr List
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 8 seats
Al-Mihrab Martyr List (SIIC) – 8 seats

Muthanna – 26 seats
Governor Ibrahim Salman al-Mayali – Al-Mihrab Martyr List
Ruling Coalition
Al-Mihrab Martyr List – 5 seats

Najaf – 28 seats
Governor Adnan al-Zurfi – Loyalty to Najaf
Head of Council - ? - State of Law
Ruling Coalition
State of Law - 7 seats
Al Mihrab Martyr List – 7 seats
Loyalty to Najaf - 4 seats

Ninewa – 37 seats
Governor Atheel al-Nujafi – Al Hadbaa List
2nd Deputy Governor Hassan Mahmoud Ali – Independent
Head of Council Faisal Abdullah al-Yawir – Al Hadbaa List
Deputy Head of Council Wild-dar Zebari – Al Hadbaa List
Ruling Coalition
Al Hadbaa List – 19 seats
Iraqi Islamic Party – 3 seats

Qadisiyah – 28 seats
Governor Salim Husayn – State of Law
Head of Council - ? - State of Law
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 11 seats
Iraqi National List – 3 seats

Salahaddin – 28 seats
Governor Mutashar al-Aliwi – Iraqi Accordance Front
Head of Council - ? - Iraqi National List
Ruling Coalition
Iraqi Accordance Front – 5 seats
Iraqi National List - 5 seats

Wasit – 28 seats
Governor Lateef Hamad al-Tarfa - State of Law
Head of Council Mahmoud Abdulrida Talal – Al-Mihrab Martyr List
Ruling Coalition
State of Law – 13 seats
Al-Mihrab Martyr List (SIIC) – 6 seats

SOURCES

Abdullah, Muhammed, “sectarian polarization in diyala,” Niqash, 4/20/09

Alsumaria, "State of Law Coalition wins seats majority," 5/6/09

Aswat al-Iraq, “4 blocs to contest the results of Diala council votes,” 4/12/09
- “Atheel Nejefi elected as Ninewa governor,” 4/12/09
- “Babel council elects independent engineer as governor,” 4/18/09
- “Baghdad’s second deputy governor elected,” 4/20/09
- “KA, IAF agree to share leading posts in Diala,” 2/24/09
- “Karbala governor assumes duty after republican decree issued,” 4/19/09
- “New Baghdad governor elected,” 4/12/09
- “New Diala governor elected,” 4/11/09
- “New governor picked for Anbar,” 4/11/09
- “New provincial council’s head, deputy selected in Thi-Qar,” 4/16/09
- “Presidential decrees to appoint governors of Thi-Qar, Babel,” 4/22/09
- “Wassit governor, provincial council chief elected,” 4/15/09
- “Zaydi unanimously elected to chair Baghdad provincial council,” 4/8/09

Barzanji, Yahya, “New candidate emerges among Iraq’s Kurds,” Associated Press, 5/2/09

Reilly, Corinne and Abbas, Ali, “Kurdish-Arab tensions continue to grow in northern Iraq,” McClatchy Newspapers, 4/14/09

Shadid, Anthony, “New Alliance In Iraq Cross Sectarian Lines,” Washington Post, 3/20/09

Visser, Reidar, “After Compromise on Kirkuk, Finally an Elections Law for Iraq’s Governorates,” Historiae.org, 9/24/08
- “Iraq’s New Provincial Councils: A Mixed Picture North of Baghdad, Unexpected Complications in the Centre and the South,” Historiae.org, 4/13/09
- “Maliki Suffers Setbacks as Samarrai is Confirmed as New Speaker and More Governors Are Elected South of Baghdad,” Historiae.org, 4/19/09
- “Mixed Outcome for Maliki as Muthanna and Najaf Elect New Governors,” Historiae.org, 5/1/09

Maliki Attempts To Forge New Ruling Coalition

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law list was the biggest winner after the January 2009 provincial elections. Since the results have been announced Maliki has been maneuvering to create a new ruling coalition that would participate in the 2009 parliamentary elections and be his new source of support.

When Maliki became Prime Minister in 2006 he was backed by a coalition of Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds that followed the “national unity” model propagated by the Americans. His main supporters were the Shiite United Iraqi Alliance made up of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), Dawa – Iraq, the Sadrist Trend, the Fadhila Party, Maliki’s own Dawa Party, the Sunni Iraqi Accordance Front, the Kurdish Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and Kurdistan Democratic Party, and smaller independent parties. Maliki was actually a compromise candidate as the Sadrists and SIIC could not initially agree on who was to replace Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari.

The ruling alliance quickly fractured because of these differences. By the end of 2006 the Kurds, Accordance Front, Dawa and the SIIC were all conspiring to push Sadr out of the government. The U.S. was also applying pressure to exclude him. Sadr had already sealed his own fate when he withdrew his six ministers from the cabinet at the end of November 2006, thereby denying him any real say in the government. The U.S. and Shiites parties were hoping that including Sadr in the government would turn him towards politics, and away from being a militia leader, but Sadr’s position always came from his ability to control the streets and violence, so one could not come without the other. Eventually both the Sadrists and Fadhila left the United Shiite Alliance and Maliki’s ruling coalition. A new alliance was then made consisting of the Dawa, the Supreme Council, and the two Kurdish parties. The Accordance Front was later brought on board as well.

While the ruling parties were generally united in getting rid of Sadr they had some fundamental differences on the future of the country as well. The Kurds and Supreme Council both supported federalism. The Kurds wanted more autonomy for Kurdistan, while the SIIC were pushing for a nine province Shiite region in the south. Maliki on the other hand wanted a stronger central government based in Baghdad. As the Prime Minister began exerting more of his power with the improved security situation in 2008, these differences began coming to the fore. By the fall both parties were criticizing and making moves against Maliki, and he was replying in turn.

Since the January 2009 provincial elections, the Prime Minister has been attempting to forge a new alliance to run in the parliamentary elections and back him afterwards. Although the coalition has not been finalized the broad outlines of it are apparent. The new grouping looks to be made up of Maliki’s State of Law List with the Dawa Party at its core, the Sadrists, the Sunni Iraqi National Dialogue Front who ran as the Iraqi National Project in the provincial balloting, and perhaps Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List. This group has already made a deal to rule Wasit province. Saleh al-Mutlaq, the head of the Dialogue Front has also said he is open to joining with the State of Law list in Diyala, Salahaddin, Baghdad, and Babil. According to the Al-Qatan paper, Maliki is also courting the Fadhila party, Ibrahim al-Jaafari’s Reform List, and Ahmad Chalabi. Originally, Allawi looked to be joining with the SIIC, but he has apparently changed his mind as the State of Law offers the chance to rule. While Saleh and the Sadrists are both apprehensive of working with Maliki since they have had major differences with him in the past, what unites them is opposition to the Supreme Council and the Kurds, and of course the chance to hold power.

The SIIC and Kurds, along with the Iraqi Accordance Front have attempted to keep their old alliance together. In Diyala for example, the Accordance Front, the Supreme Council, and the Kurdish Alliance have agreed to work together to run the provincial council.

Whether Maliki’s attempt to re-arrange Iraq’s political map succeeds or not is yet to be seen. The ruling provincial councils have not even been announced yet, and there is still plenty of negotiating to be done. What is for sure is that the old coalitions are mostly dead. The United Iraqi Alliance, which was the largest victor in the 2005 parliamentary elections, has now broken apart. The Sunni Accordance Front has also split. The Kurdish alliance is the only one that remains, and they are now diametrically opposed to Maliki and his attempt to centralize power. This is all part of the new status quo that is still emerging after the end of the sectarian war of 2006-2007.

SOURCES

Agence France Presse, “Sadr renews idea of local alliances with Iraq PM,” 2/20/09

Alsumaria, “Iraq parties form alliances after elections,” 2/13/09

Asharq al-Awsat, “Al Maliki Wants An Alternative To The Current Shiite Alliance That Will Support The Central Government And Reject The Sectarian Quota System,” 2/16/09

Associated Press, “Shiites, Kurds form alliance; 4 Iraqi kids found in rubble of bombed area,” 8/16/07

Aswat al-Iraq, “KA, IAF agree to share leading posts in Diala,” 2/24/09
- “PM Accuses Kurdish Leadership of ‘violating’ the Constitution,” 11/20/08

Felter, Joseph and Fishman, Brian, “Iranian Strategy in Iraq, Politics and ‘Other Means,’” Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, 10/13/08

International Crisis Group, “Iraq After The Surge II: The Need for a New Political Strategy,” 4/30/08

Parker, Ned, “Sadr’s bloc quits Iraq’s ruling coalition,” Times of London, 9/16/07

Roads To Iraq Blog, “American delegation met with former Iraqi army officers,” 2/20/09
- “The upcoming confrontation, Maliki and the Kurdish Coalition,” 11/14/08
- “Reconciliation without reconciliation,” 3/10/09

Rossmiller, Alex, “The Bush administration’s four-year history of erratic meddling in search of an Iraqi ‘savior.’” American Prospect, 4/11/07

Al-Sa’dawi, Ahmad, “post-election analysis: real change or more of the same?” Niqash, 2/19/09

Shadid, Anthony, “New Alliance In Iraq Cross Sectarian Lines,” Washington Post, 3/20/09

Visser, Reidar, “Maliki, Hakim, and Iran’s Role in the Basra Fighting,” Historiae.org, 4/9/08
- “Two Very Different Takes on Centralism,” Historiae.org, 9/20/08

Al-Wazzan, Saleem, “al-maliki angles for broad alliance in basra,” Niqash, 3/20/09

Wong, Edward, “Iraqis weigh alliance to marginalize Sadr and bolster Maliki,” International Harold Tribune, 12/11/06

Possible Ruling Coalitions In The Provinces

Now that Iraq’s Election Commission has announced the final results and seat allocations the winning parties have two weeks to form coalitions to rule. They need 51% of the seats to appoint the governor, deputy governor, head of council, and the provincial police chief. Only in Basra and Ninewa did the victors, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law and the Al-Hadbaa List respectively, gain enough seats to have outright majorities. Three possible set of partners have already been reported. First, Moqtada al-Sadr has told his followers to consult with Maliki’s State of Law. The Awakening of Iraq and Independents has formed an alliance with Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraq National Project. Finally, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council’s Al-Mihrab Martyr List is talking with Iyad Allawi’s Iraqi National List.

If these deals work out Maliki’s list could have majorities in Baghdad, Dhi Qar, Maysan, and Wasit. The Awakening would also rule Anbar. In Karbala, Muthanna, Najaf, and Qadisiyah the State of Law and the Sadrists would have to bring in one more party to rule. Babil, Diyala, and especially Salahaddin are much more fragmented, especially the last one, and will take several parties to come together to run those.

Overall, the elections have revealed three things about the current state of Iraqi politics. First, the Dawa has surpassed the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) as the predominate Shiite party. Second, the Kurds’ loss of control of Ninewa and Salahaddin shows their declining position within the country. They once had a winning combination with the SIIC, but after both lost in the provincials their hopes of greater federalism is probably dead. The Kurds will be coming under increasing pressure to give up their hopes of annexing territories outside of Kurdistan as a result. Finally, the vote showed that Sunni politics is as fragmented as ever. The Iraqi Islamic Party ran in 2005 despite the Sunni boycott, gaining a head start on their competitors. This time they will have to form coalitions with newer parties to rule in Diyala and Salahaddin, and lost control of Anbar.

Provinces Currently With Majorities

Basra: Maliki’s State of Law 20 of 30 seats
Ninewa: Al-Hadbaa 19 of 37 seats

Possible Ruling Coalitions

Anbar: Sheikh Abu Risha’s Awakening of Iraq and Independents – 8 seats plus parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraq National Project – 6 seats. Total of 14 of 29 seats
Baghdad: Maliki’s State of Law – 28 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 5 seats. Total of 33 of 57 seats
Dhi Qar: Maliki’s State of Law – 13 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 7 seats. Total of 20 of 31 seats
Maysan: Maliki’s State of Law – 8 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 7 seats. Total of 15 of 27 seats
Wasit: Maliki’s State of Law – 13 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 3 seats. Total of 20 of 28 seats

Provinces Up In The Air

Babil: State of Law – 8 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 3 seats. Needs five more seats for majority of 16 of 30 seats
Diyala: Iraqi Accordance Front – 9 seats. Needs six more seats for majority of 15 of 29 seats
Karbala: Youssef al-Habboubi – 1 seat plus Maliki’s State of Law – 9 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 4 seats. Needs one more seat for majority of 14 of 27 seats
Muthanna: Maliki’s State of Law – 5 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 2 seats. Needs seven more seats for majority of 14 of 26 seats
Najaf: Maliki’s State of Law – 7 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 6 seats. Needs two more seats for majority of 15 of 28 seats
Qadisiyah: Maliki’s State of Law – 11 seats plus Sadr’s Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – 2 seats. Needs two more seats for majority of 15 of 28 seats
Salahaddin: Iraqi Accordance Front – 5 seats. Needs ten seats for majority of 15 of 28 seats

SOURCES

Agence France Presse, “Sadr renews idea of local alliances with Iraq PM,” 2/20/09

Alsumaria, “Iraq parties form alliances after elections,” 2/13/09

Associated Press, “Iraqi provincial election results,” 2/19/09

Fadel, Leila, “Volatile Anbar province a test of Iraq’s future,” McClatchy Newspapers, 2/17/09

Rubin, Alissa, “Prime Minister’s Party Wins in Iraqi Vote but Will Need to Form Coalitions,” New York Times, 2/6/09

Visser, Reidar, “The Provincial Elections: The Seat Allocation Is Official and the Coalition-Forming Process Begins,” Historiae.org, 2/19/09

Official Iraqi Election Results (REVISED)

Iraq’s Election Commission finally released its official results for the January 2009 Provincial Elections. The report broke down how many seats each list received. As noted before, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law List came away the victor in nine of the fourteen provinces that voted. Those were Babil, Baghdad, Basra, Dhi Qar, Najaf, Qadisiyah, and Wasit. In Maysan and Muthanna they were tied for first. The List also finished third in Karbala, and tied for fifth in Diyala and Salahaddin.

The other big winners were the Iraqi Islamic Party and its larger Iraqi Accordance Front coalition that came in first in Diyala, tied for first in Salahaddin, and came in second in Baghdad, tied for second in Anbar, third in Ninewa, and fifth in largely Shiite Basra. The Iraqi National List of former Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi also had one victory tying for first in Salahaddin, and also coming in tied for third in Babil, Baghdad, Qadisiyah, Wasit, and fourth in Diyala, and tied for fifth in Anbar. That was much better than the preliminary results.

There were three new victors as well. The coalition Al-Hadbaa List won in Ninewa running on a largely anti-Kurdish ticket. Youssef Majid al-Habboubi, an independent Shiite and former Baathist won in Karbala. Sheikh Ahmed Abu Risha, one of the leaders of the tribal Anbar Awakening won the most seats in Anbar.

The Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) also did better than originally predicted. They tied for most seats in Maysan and Muthanna with the State of Law List, and also got second place in Babil, Basra, Najaf, Qadisiyah, and Wasit, third in Dhi Qar, tied for fourth in Karbala, tied for fifth in Diyala and Qadisiyah. They did finish a disappointing sixth in Baghdad after having controlled that province since the 2005 elections.

Independent Sunni parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq’s Iraq National Project also did well for a small party. They came in tied for second in Anbar and Diyala, and tied for third in Salahaddin.

The Kurds were expecting to lose control of Ninewa and Salahaddin because of the larger Sunni turnout. They did, but their lists got the second most seats in Ninewa and Diyala. They got no representation in Salahaddin.

The Sadrists, former Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari’s National Reform Party, and the Fadhila Party fared the worst of the major parties. Initially Sadr’s followers were said to have finished second in Maysan, Dhi Qar, Baghdad, and Babil, third in Najaf and Wasit, fourth in Basra and Karbala, fifth in Qadisiyah and Muthanna, and eighth in Diyala. When all was said and done they came out second in Dhi Qar, third in Maysan and Najaf, tied for third in Babil, Baghdad, and Wasit, tied for fourth in Karbala and Muthanna, tied for fifth in Basra, and no seats in Diyala. Al-Jaafari’s list tied for third place in Babil, Muthanna, and Qadisiyah, fourth in Dhi Qar and Maysan, tied for fifth in Baghdad and Najaf, and a distant seventh in Baghdad and Diyala. The biggest loser had to be the Fadhila Party however. Not only did they lose control of Basra finishing seventh, but they only did slightly better with two fifth place results in Dhi Qar and Qadisiyah.

Parties or alliances need to hold 51% of the seats to name the top positions such as governor, deputy governor, head of council, provincial police chief, etc. After the seat allotment was announced, Maliki’s State of Law list and the al-Hadbaa List came out with majorities in Basra and Ninewa. In the other twelve provinces ruling coalitions need to be formed. The talk is that Maliki’s State of Law list will form an alliance with Sadr’s followers, while the Supreme Council is reaching out to Allawi’s Iraqi National List. In Anbar, the tribes have formed a coalition with al-Mutlaq’s Iraq National Project to shut out the Iraqi Islamic Party from power. This after Sheikh Abu Risha joined with them in a coalition at the end of 2008. Salahaddin, which was formerly ruled by the Kurds had the greatest fragmentation. Ten parties finished with enough votes to receive seats at the council. In Karbala independent Shiite Youssef Majid al-Habboubi won the most votes, but because he did not run as part of a party or list he only received one of 27 seats. That left the independent Hope of Rafidain list and Maliki’s State of Law with the most representation with nine seats each. Habboubi could become governor, but the real powers would be with the parties behind him.

Below is a breakdown of the major parties that won seats, how they fared, and then how many seats were allotted by province.

Major Parties & Candidates
Awakening of Iraq and Independents – Sheikh Ahmed Abu Risha. One of the leaders of the tribal Awakening movement in Anbar
Coalition of Diyala – Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council’s Diyala list
Fadhila Party – Ayatollah Mohammed al-Yaccoubi. Claims the mantle of Moqtada al-Sadr’s father’s movement
Al-Hadbaa Party – Coalition of four parties in Ninewa that ran an anti-Kurdish campaign
Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Moqtada al-Sadr. Sadr supported a group of independents that called ran on a nationalist, strong central government, and non-sectarian list
Iraqi Islamic Party/Iraqi Accordance Front – Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi. Main Islamic Sunni party that split apart just before the election. Called for a withdrawal of the U.S., and revising laws that are considered anti-Sunni like the DeBaathification policy
Iraqi National List – Former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. Appealed to nationalists and former Baathists
Iraq National Project – Parliamentarian Saleh al-Mutlaq. Independent Sunni politician that ran on a secular and nationalist campaign
Kurdish Alliance – Made up of two major Kurdish parties, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan of Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Kurdish President Massoud Barzani, plus several other smaller parties
Al-Mihrab Martyr List - Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC). Islamic party formed in Iran. Ran on religion and federalism
National Movement for Development and Reform – Jamal al-Karbouli. Made up of former Baathists and insurgents
National Reform Party – Former Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari. Broke away from the Dawa party
Ninewa Brotherhood List – Kurdish Alliance list for Ninewa
State of Law – Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s Islamic Dawa Party. Islamic party that ran on a nationalist and strong central government platform
Tribes Of Iraq – Sheikh Hamid al-Hayes. Led by one of the Anbar Awakening leaders
Youssef Majid al-Habboubi – Independent Shiite and former Baathist

Finishes By Party
State of Law – Maliki: 1st Babil, Baghdad, Basra, Dhi Qar, Najaf, Qadisiyah, Wasit, tied 1st Maysan, Muthanna, 3rd Karbala, tied 5th Diyala, Salahaddin
Iraqi Islamic Party/Iraqi Accordance Front/ Alliance of Intellectuals and Tribes – 1st Diyala, tied 1st Salahaddin, 2nd Baghdad, tied 2nd Anbar, 3rd Ninewa, tied 5th Basra
Iraqi National List – Allawi: Tied 1st Salahaddin, Tied 3rd Babil, Baghdad, Qadisiyah, Wasit, 4th Diyala, tied 5th Anbar
Al-Hadbaa Party: 1st Ninewa
Youssef Majid al-Habboubi: 1st Karbala
Awakening of Iraq and Independents – Sheikh Abu Risha: 1st Anbar
Al-Mihrab Martyr List/Diyala Coalition – SIIC: Tied 1st Maysan, Muthanna, 2nd Babil, Basra, Najaf, Qadisiyah, Wasit, 3rd Dhi Qar, tied 4th Karbala, tied 5th Diyala, Qadisiyah, 6th Baghdad
Ninewa Brotherhood List/Kurdish Alliance: 2nd Ninewa, tied 2nd Diyala
Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 2nd Dhi Qar, 3rd Maysan, Najaf, tied 3rd Babil, Baghdad, Wasit, tied 4th Karbala, Muthanna, tied 5th Basra
Iraq National Project – al-Mutlaq: Tied 2nd Anbar, Diyala, tied 3rd Salahaddin
National Reform Party – Jaafari: Tied 3rd Babil, Muthanna, Qadisiyah, 4th Dhi Qar, Maysan, tied 5th Baghdad, Najaf, 7th Baghdad, Diyala
Fadhila Party: 5th Dhi Qar, tied 5th Qadisiyah, 7th Basra

Results By Province:

Anbar (29 seats)
1. Awakening of Iraq and Independents – Sheikh Abu Risha: 8
2. Iraq National Project – al-Mutlaq: 6
2. Alliance of Intellectuals and Tribes – Iraqi Islamic Party: 6
4. National Movement for Development and Reform - al-Karbouli: 3
5. Iraqi National List - Allawi: 2
5. Iraqi Tribes List – Sheikh al-Hayes: 2
5. Iraqi National Unity: 2

Babil (30 seats)
1. State of Law - Maliki: 8
2. Al-Mihrab Martyr List - SIIC: 5
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 3
3. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 3
3. Civil Society List: 3
3. Iraqi National List - Allawi: 3
3. Independent Justice Association: 3
8. Independent Ansar List: 2

Baghdad (57 seats)
1. State of Law – Maliki: 28
2. Iraqi Accordance Front: 7
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 5
3. Iraqi National List – Allawi: 5
5. Iraq National Project – al-Mutlaq: 4
6. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 3
7. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 3
8. Christian: 1 – through quota
8. Mandean: 1 – through quota

Basra (35 seats)
1. State of Law - Maliki: 20
2. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 5
3. Gathering of Justice and Unity: 2
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones - Sadr: 2
5. Iraqi National List - Allawi: 2
5. Iraqi Islamic Party: 2
7. Fadhila Party: 1
8. Christians: 1 – through quota

Dhi Qar (31 seats)
1. State of Law - Maliki: 13
2. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones - Sadr: 7
3. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 5
4. National Reform Trend – Jaafari: 4
5. Fadhila Party: 2

Diyala (29 Seats)
1. Iraqi Accordance Front: 9
2. Iraq National Project – al-Mutlaq: 6
2. Kurdish Alliance: 6
4. Iraqi National List - Allawi: 3
5. State of Law - Maliki: 2
5. Diyala Coalition – SIIC: 2
7. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 1

Karbala (27 seats)
1. Youssef Majid al-Habboubi: 1
2. Hope of Rafidain: 9
2. State of Law - Maliki: 9
4. Al-Mihrab Martyr List - SIIC: 4
4. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones - Sadr: 4

Maysan (27 seats)
1. State of Law - Maliki: 8
1. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 8
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 7
4. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 4

Muthanna (26 seats)
1. State of Law – Maliki: 5
1. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 5
3. The People’s List: 3
3. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 3
4. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 2
4. Gathering of Muthanna: 2
4. Independent National List: 2
4. Gathering of Iraqi Professionals: 2
4. Gathering of Middle Euphrates: 2

Najaf (28 seats)
1. State of Law – Maliki: 7
1. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 7
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 6
4. Loyalty to Najaf: 4
5. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 2
5. Union of Independent Najaf: 2

Ninewa (37 seats)
1. Al-Hadbaa Party: 19
2. Ninewa Brotherhood List – Kurdish Alliance: 12
3. Iraqi Islamic Party: 3
4. Shabak: 1 – through quota
4. Christian: 1 – through quota
4. Yazidi: 1 – through quota

Qadisiyah (28 seats)
1. State of Law – Maliki: 11
2. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 5
3. Iraqi National List – Allawi: 3
3. National Reform Party – Jaafari: 3
5. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 2
5. Islamic Loyalty Party: 2
5. Fadhila Party: 2

Salahaddin (28 seats)
1. Iraqi Accordance Front: 5
1. Iraqi National List – Allawi: 5
3. Iraq National Project – al-Mutlaq: 3
3. National Project of Iraq: 3
5. Group of Intellectuals and Scientists: 2
5. Iraqi Turkoman Front: 2
5. Front of Liberation and Building: 2
5. Salahaddin Patriotic List: 2
5. Brotherhood and Peaceful Coexistence: 2
5. State of Law – Maliki: 2

Wasit (28 seats)
1. State of Law – Maliki: 13
2. Al-Mihrab Martyr List – SIIC: 6
3. Independent Trend of the Noble Ones – Sadr: 3
3. Iraqi National List – Allawi: 3
3. Iraqi Constitutional Party: 3

SOURCES

Associated Press, “Iraqi provincial election results,” 2/19/09

Farrell, Stephen, “Election: Preliminary Results,” Baghdad Bureau Blog, New York Times, 2/5/09

Hamid, Nirmeen, “anbar’s Islamic party and tribes vie for power,” Niqash, 12/12/08

Madhani, Aamer, "In Anbar, new partnership are taking root," USA Today, 2/8/09

Rubin, Alissa, “Prime Minister’s Party Wins in Iraqi Vote but Will Need to Form Coalitions,” New York Times, 2/6/09

Al-Sa’dawi, Ahmad, “post-election analysis: real change or more of the same?” Niqash, 2/19/09